Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

The early seventeenth century witnessed the rise of the English dramatic genre known as city comedy or citizen comedy, a play characterized by a contemporary London setting, recognizable character types from the social milieux between manual laborers and prosperous merchants, colloquial diction, and predominantly satirical tone. Another marked feature, overlooked by musicologists until recently, is its realistic use of contemporary English music, thus providing a unique documentation of the varied musical practices and beliefs of contemporary London. It must also be considered the first English dramatic genre to make regular use of musical parody, over a century before the ballad opera emerged. The music in these plays is a mixture of original compositions, popular existing songs, and their parodies, all of which help to show the city and its people in many moods. Songs selected for parody were drawn from the contents of published books of songs and ayres, from the popular ballad repertory, and from other plays. All songs were sung as unaccompanied monodies, regardless of the texture of the original. Musical parody in the city comedies can be divided into three distinct types, in which respectively (1) a song text is altered to fit the specific circumstances under which it is to be sung on stage; (2) the circumstances surrounding the origin of the song are imitated (often through the treatment of a broadside ballad); and (3) a song or musical scenario from another play is imitated as part of a reference to, or a parody of, that other drama.

Works: Thomas Dekker and John Webster: Northward Ho (358-59), George Chapman, Ben Johnson and John Marston: Eastward Ho (360-65).

Sources: Robert Jones: "My thought the other night," Second Booke of Songs and Ayres (358-59), "A Sorowfull Sonet made by M. George Mannington, at Cambridge Castle. To the tune of Labandala Shot," A Handefull of Pleasant Delites (360-61).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Mirna Polzovic

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Contrafacta are songs of which the secular text has been replaced by a sacred one. While the melodies should at least closely relate, the textual connections may vary considerably. In some cases, the author of the sacred text translated the original text nearly literally with the exception of a few words providing the sacred meaning. In other cases, he preserved only the affections and/or the rhyme scheme of the secular poem. After 1600, the contrafactum could include changes of measure and melodic as well as harmonic progressions in order to achieve a better correspondence of text and music.

Works: Works: Gramann-Poliander: Nun lob, mein Seel, den Herren (92); Luther: Nun freut euch, lieben Christen gmein (92, 109); anonymous contrafacta: Freut euch, freut euch in dieser Zeit (92), Von Gott will ich nicht lassen (97); Speiser: Ach, wie ein süsser Name ist der Name Jesu Christ (106), Amor, amor hab ich zu Gott allein (106), Frisch her, ihr lieben Christen, zum Streit so lasst uns rüsten (106), Ich bin frölich im Herren, das kann mir niemand wehren (106), O du mein Herre Jesu Christ, der du für mich gestorben bist (106), O Tod mit deiner G'stalte, wie bist du mir gar so grimm (106), O Herr, ich schreie zu dir mit ganz herzlicher Begier (106), Der jüngst' Tag ist nit ferre (106), O Gott, mein Herre, Mein' Glauben mehre (107); Regnart: Venus, du und dein Kind (106); Lindemann: In dir ist Freude In allem Leide (107); Rist: O Göttinne zart (107-8, 112-13); Neukrantz: Eile, Gott, mich zu erretten (107-8, 112-13); Praetorius/Schultze: Das ist mir lieb, mein Gott und Herr (108-9).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1600s

The sacred vocal parodies of the seventeenth century are not characteristic of the artistic spirit of the age, as evidenced by the few compositions of composers such as Schütz and Monteverdi based on other composers. Despite this, it is possible to speak of a history of parody in the seventeenth century. The seventeenth-century view of parody, as set forth in Quitschreiber's treatise De parodia of 1611, departed from that of the Renaissance in two main ways. First and most important was a new recognition of the concept of artistic ownership. Second was the regard of parody as a useful pedagogical and stylistic tool in composition ("Stileinübung").

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Randal Tucker

The authorship of the parody motet O Jesu dulcissime, based on Giovanni Gabrieli's motet O Jesu Christe, has long been doubtful. The following features of the parody, however, suggest that Heinrich Schütz is very likely its author. (1) O Jesu dulcissime, which includes contrafactum, reworking of motives, and entirely new passages, is qualitatively equal to Gabrieli's model; (2) the composer often intensified the expression; and (3) the parody shows in several places the character of a study, which is typical for Schütz's concern with Italian music.

Works: Schütz: Der Engel sprach zu den Hirten, SWV 395 (24), Güldne Haare, gleich Aurore, SWV 470 (24), O Jesu süss, SWV 406 (24), Es steh' Gott auf, SWV 356 (24), Psalm No. 11, SWV 34 (24), Ach Herr, du Schöpfer aller Ding, SWV 450 (24).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1600s

Schütz rarely parodied his own works, first because he seldom reset a standard text, as did sixteenth-century composers with the Ordinarium Missae, and second because parody would only have loosened the close relation of music and text. In a few instances, however, Schütz reused either his own pieces or those by modern Italian composers. In the former case, he usually only translated the text in order to perform the composition under different circumstances, whereas the reworking of the Italian compositions served to deepen his skills in new styles, such as the madrigal, polychoral music, the stile concitato, thoroughbass, and ostinato.

Works: Schütz: "Gloria patri" for the 111th psalm from Psalmen Davids, SWV 34, Es steh' Gott auf, SWV 356, from Symphoniae sacrae, part two (20), Der Engel sprach zu den Hirten, SWV 395, from Geistliche Chormusik (20), O Jesu süss, wer dein gedenkt, SWV 406, from Symphoniae sacrae, part three (20), Ach Herr, du Schöpfer aller Ding, SWV 450 (20), Güldne Haare, gleich Aurore, SWV 440 (20).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1600s

Although aria borrowing was commonplace in opera history, the distinctive feature of the "suitcase aria" was that it was re-used by the same performer. An investigation of opera performances in late seventeenth-century Italy shows that borrowed arias were not transmitted by individual singers but were exchanged between singers. Certain other singers and impresarios maintained an aria repertory and served as brokers for other cast members. A more apt metaphor for this type of collaborative sharing might be the "recycling box" rather than the "suitcase."

Works: Giovanni Legrenzi: Etecole e Polinice (6-7, 11-13), Germanico sul Reno (13-15); Domenico Freschi: L'onor vindicato (6-7); [Carlo Pallavincino?]: Bassiano (8-10); Antonio Cesti: Il Tito (10-11)

Sources: Pietro Andrea Ziani: Il talamo preservato (6-9, 11-13); Domenico Freschi: Sardanapolo (6)

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Before the Elizabethan Act of Uniformity of 1559, there was an active school of liturgical organ polyphony in England. These compositions were intended to replace the singing of a choir or soloist for the portion of the chant that was set. After the Reformation, composers continued to employ plainsong from the Sarum rite, but not with any liturgical intent. The practice of setting plainsong in this way is uniquely English. The many settings of In nomine and Gloria tibi Trinitas are examples of this practice. Two tables list all known keyboard plainsong settings, both before and after 1559 (i.e., both for liturgical and non-liturgical use).

Works: Anonymous: Kyrie (137-38); William Byrd: Three polyphonic keyboard settings of Clarifica me Pater (142-44), Polyphonic keyboard setting of Miserere mihi, Domine (148-49).

Sources: Guillaume Dufay [attrib.]: Portugaler (137-38); Basse danse: La portingaloise (138); Chant: Clarifica me Pater (142-44), Miserere mihi, Domine (148-49).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Provides new sources, entries, and annotations.

Works: Thomas Tallis: Fantasy (216); Guillaume Dufay [attrib.]: Portugaler (216-17).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

The long-standing appeal of the Fulget dies refrain in twelfth- and thirteenth-century hymns, through the Counter-Reformation, and into nineteenth-century Catholic hymnals is linked to its association with liturgical time and relationship with multiple feasts, seasons, offices, and chants. The Fulget dies refrain originated sometime in the twelfth century within a family of contrafact tropes on Benedicamus Domino, each related to a different feast. By 1220, the refrain was found in hymns as well, as illustrated by its appearance in at least five hymns found in the Worcester Antiphonal. By 1300, the refrain had made its way to Hungary, Spain, Norman Sicily, France, and England. While Fulget dies appears in a variety of musical and liturgical contexts, it generally functions as a marker of festivity. Even after many office and mass tropes fell out of favor, Fulget dies lived on as a refrain in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hymnals. The Feast of Corpus Christi hymn O salutaris hostia and the Marian hymn Matrem per integerrimam illustrate its continued association with important feasts and the ways in which the text and melody of Fulget dies gradually changed over time. In sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the refrain was transmitted only in ordinals which did not contain notated music, just text. Here, Fulget dies became primarily associated with the Christmas season. Two sources, the thirteenth-century Worcester Antiphonal and a sixteenth-century Hungarian ordinal, document the erasure of the Fulget dies refrain from hymn transmission. Through the sixteenth century, Fulget dies had a degree of stability attached to three Christmas hymns, most often to Fit porta Christi pervia, with both the text and music demonstrating a high degree of similarity. Accounting for its longevity as a refrain, the text of Fulget dies (the day shines forth . . . this day shines forth) exhibits both poetic brevity and flexibility to engage with any number of theological cycles from daily rituals to the cycles of seasons.

Works: Anonymous: Iam lucis orto sidere (91-97, 114-16, 120-23, 138, 141-42), A solis ortus cardine (107-11, 120, 126-27, 133-25, 142), Nunc sancta nobis spiritus (107-11), O salutaris hostia (117-20, 125), Matrem per integerrimam (117-20), Ordinarius Stringoniensis (122), Deus tuorum militum (125-26), Enixa est puerpera (126-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (126-32), Venez vos gens chantez Noé (132); Willaert: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32, 142-43); Orlando di Lasso: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32)

Sources: Anonymous: Fulget dies from tropes on Benedicamus Domino (91-144), A solis ortus cardine (126)

Index Classifications: Monophony to 1300, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

The 1628 wedding festivities in Parma of Duke Odoardo Farnese and Margherita de' Medici of Florence set the stage for a rich environment of competition and debate between Sigismondo d'India and Claudio Monteverdi. In trying to win favor for this celebratory event, d'India presented two laments, the Lamento d'Armida and the Lamento di Didone, to the impresario for the Parma festivities, Marquis Enzo Bentivoglio, which bear a marked resemblance to Monteverdi?s Lamento d'Arianna. The extant Lamento di Didone is characterized by a number of the same rhetorical, topological, and musical tropes as Monteverdi's famous lament. D'India failed to secure the commission, which was offered to Monteverdi instead, most likely because of his daring musical language. D'India's musical conservatism and adherence to an older courtly convention based on Monteverdi in his laments demonstrate a failure to recognize current tastes, whereas Monteverdi had clearly progressed beyond his earlier works, demonstrating a more innovative treatment of the lament and winning favor in Parma at the 1628 festivities.

Works: Sigismondo d?India: Il lamento di Didone (36-44).

Sources: Monteverdi: Il lamento d?Arianna (40-43).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Within a discussion of Monteverdi's understanding and use of tonality, the two versions of Lamento d'Arianna are singled out as a paradigm case. Monteverdi's Lamento d'Arianna is the only surviving portion of the opera Arianna, written for performance in Mantua in 1608. Sometime in the ensuing years (probably around 1610), Monteverdi arranged the lament for five vocal parts, and this version appears at the opening of his sixth book of madrigals, published in Venice in 1614. A bar-by-bar comparison of the two settings reveals that the five-part version was much more than a mere transcription of the original. Although the monody can be divided quite easily into four sections as marked by the fermatas, Monteverdi expands the music considerably (and modifies the text accordingly) when reworking the lament into a four-madrigal cycle. An analysis of the reworkings notes that the madrigal more fully realizes the tonal implications inherent in the original monody.

Works: Monteverdi: Lamento d'Arianna (165-85).

Sources: Monteverdi: Arianna (165-85).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Mark S. Spicer

In Thomas Weelkes's first madrigal book, Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6 Voyces (London, 1597), the five- and six-voice works borrow both text and music from Salamone Rossi's Primo libro delle canzonette a tre voci of 1589. Numbers 13 through 18 of Weelkes's madrigal book clearly borrow from numbers 7, 6, 2, 11, 15, and 19 of Rossi's book respectively. From Rossi, Weelkes primarily borrows thematic points, melodic contours, rhythms, and textures for use in his own compositions. For example, in Weelkes's No. 16, Lady, our spotless feature, the homophonic texture and chanson-like rhythm of Rossi's No. 11, Donna, il vostro bel viso, are clearly present in the work's opening. These borrowings show a progression of maturity on the part of the English composer. Numbers 16 and 13 demonstrate a dependence on the model and unimaginative solutions, while numbers 15 and 17 reset the derived ideas more convincingly, and numbers 14 and 18 clearly show that Weelkes has not only fully mastered the borrowed material but also surpassed his model. Moreover, his later Italian version of Donna, il vostro bel viso in his Ayeres or Phantasticke Spirites for Three Voices of 1608 shows a dependency on his own English version of the text from 1597 rather than a direct relationship with Rossi's original. Weelkes's reuse of Rossi's canzonette demonstrates a progressive compositional maturity in his manipulation of borrowed material, culminating in a reworking of his earlier attempts at modeling.

Works: Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6. Voyces (110-17), Lady, your spotless feature (111), Your beauty it allureth (111), Those sweet delightful lilies (112), If thy deceitful looks (113), What haste, fair lady (113), Ayeres or Phantasticke Spirites for Three Voices (115-17), Donna, il vostro bel viso (115), I bei ligustri e rose (115).

Sources: Salamone Rossi: Primo libro delle canzonette a tre voci (110-17), Donna, il vostro bel viso (111); Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6. Voyces (115-17)), Lady, your spotless feature (115).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Randal Tucker, Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: General, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

The fact that no contemporary accounts credit Monteverdi with the musical setting of Francesco Busenello's L'incoronazione di Poppea creates a number of problems in analyzing the work's stylistic unity. An important consideration, however, is that Monteverdi may have been one of a number of composers collaborating in the composition of Poppea, rather than its sole musical contributor. Many of the work's musical qualities demonstrate characteristics of a younger post-Monteverdian generation. Of a number of possible collaborators, Benedetto Ferrari and Francesco Sacrati seem to be the most likely candidates. Indeed, two sinfonie in Poppea can be located in an altered (or borrowed) form in Sacrati's La finta pazza, while "Pur ti miro" from the opera's last scene can be textually (and possibly musically) connected to Ferrari. Thus, Sacrati and Ferrari figure as the potential composers of the many anomalous sections of Monteverdi's last Venetian opera and, most significantly, its last scene.

Works: Monteverdi (and others?): L?incoronazione di Poppea (23-54); Francesco Sacrati: La finta pazza (43-51).

Sources: Francesco Sacrati: La finta pazza (32, 43-51); Benedetto Ferrari (?):"Pur ti miro" (41-43, 51-52); Monteverdi (and others?): L?incoronazione di Poppea (45-46).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: 1600s

Francesca Caccini's "aria sopra la romanesca" Dove io credea le mie speranze vere is an invocation of Arianna's voice that seeks to contrast and challenge the more submissive and subdued lament of Monteverdi's Arianna. Placed at the center of her 1618 Primo libro delle musiche, Caccini's song is purposefully not a lament but in the style of an aria romanesca. Its ample borrowings from Rinuccini's text are organized in a way that portrays an unapologetic, self-confident statement of Teseo's blame as well as a warning to other women about the excesses and dangers of love. In contrasting Monteverdi's recitative-like compositional style with a subtly nuanced romanesca form, Caccini both conforms to the aesthetic norms of the Florentine Camerata and evokes an aura of widow-like constancy in the social context of Christine of Lorraine's court. These musical allusions to female circles, in an aria that presents a non-lamenting Arianna, form a polemical discourse with Monteverdi?s famous soliloquy of a decidedly un-empowered woman.

Works: Works: Francesca Caccini: Dove io credea le mie speranze vere (442-47).

Sources: Claudio Monteverdi: Lamento di Arianna (437-47).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Although one might expect contrafacta to be a prevalent type in the early liturgy of the Anglican church, there are surprisingly few anthems that can be identified as adaptations of motets, secular pieces, or instrumental works. Of the known contrafacta, most can be dated to the seventeenth century. In light of this lack of contrafacta during the formative years of the Anglican church, one can conclude that the earliest examples have not survived, that there was not a great demand for choral music, or that some anthems are in fact contrafacta for which their earlier forms have not been identified. It appears that the majority of adaptations were made in the seventeenth century, most of which were contrafacta of compositions by recognized masters. This further suggests that the intrinsic merit of the music was the greater motivation for substituting English for Latin, rather than fulfilling a utilitarian purpose during the formation of the Anglican liturgy.

Works: Thomas Causton: In trouble and adversity (101), O give thanks unto the Lord (101); Anonymous: Wipe away my sins (102), Blessed be thy name (102), I call and cry (102), Discumfit them (102), Bow down thine ear (103), O sacred and holy blanket (103), Arise, O lord (103), Behold now, praise the Lord (103), Let not our prayers (103), Let us arise from sin (103), O Lord deliver me (103), Praise the Lord O my soul (104), Behold I bring you glad tidings (104), And there was with the angel (104), Lift up your heads (104), O Lord, give ear to the prayer (104), Let not thy wrath (104), Out of the deep (104), Arise, O lord (104), Forgive me Lord (104); Robert Johnson: Benedicam Domino . . . O Lord with all my heart (102).

Sources: Taverner: "In nomine" from Missa Gloria Tibi Trinitas (101); Tallis: Absterge Domine (Wipe away my sins) (102, 104), Fond youth is a bubble (103), Salvator mundi (103-4), O sacrum convivium (103); Morley: Nolo mortem peccatoris . . . Father, I am thine only Son (102), De profundis (104); Weelkes: Gloria in excelsis . . . Sing my soul (102); Thomas Ford: Miserere, my maker (102); Peter Philips: Cantai mentre (103); Byrd: Exsurge, Domine (103), Now enim pro peccatis (103), Attolite portas (103-4), Memento, homo (104), Ne irascaris (104); Robert White: Manus tuae (103), Domine non est exaltatum (103).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

The Italian madrigal developed during the sixteenth century as generations of composers contributed layers of innovation, beginning with its earliest manifestation as the frottola and culminating in its final form, the madrigale concertato. Composers utilized various methods of musical borrowing and reworking, including crafting arrangements, creating intabulations, parodying pre-existing works (sometimes for comedic purposes), modeling upon other compositions and styles, and quoting from other pieces. Musicians converted the madrigal into a piece for solo voice with accompaniment, such as Francesco Bossinensis’s arrangements for voice and lute. Similarly, intabulations were adaptations of madrigals for solo keyboard or lute. Most parodies were crafted for humorous reasons, such as Antonfrancesco Doni’s Il bianco e dolce cigno, which incorporated into its parody of Arcadelt’s madrigal by the same name a hundred segments of melody from madrigals by numerous composers, including Arcadelt, Verdelot, and Festa. Certain composers, such as Gesualdo and Monteverdi, modeled compositions upon the works or the style of their predecessors and peers, and their compositions, in turn, served as models for others. Quotations connected new compositions to previous ones for several reasons: (1) honoring the original composer, (2) establishing a rivalry, or (3) preserving street, folk, and popular songs within the newly-composed madrigal. Musical borrowing and reworking, then, unified the developing madrigal art form as it matured in the hands of many diverse composers.

Works: Anonymous: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in MS. Magl. XIX, 164-167 (National Library in Florence), No. XXXVI (106); Francesco Bossinensis: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in Tenori e contrabassi (106), Tenori e contrabassi intabulati col sopran in canto figurato per cantar e sonar col lauto, Libro primo and Libro secundo (106-7, 128); Willaert: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Andrea Gabrieli: Anchor che col partire (374); Cambio Perissone: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92); Jacopo da Nola: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Giovanni Francesco Capuano: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Marenzio: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (592), Dolorosi martir, fieri tormenti (615), La rete fu di queste fila d’oro (643), Due rose fresche (643-44), Basciami, mille volte (644); Giovanni Ferretti: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare (595-96); Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck: Liquide perle Amor (614-15); Benedetto Pallavicino: Liquide perle Amor in Quinto libro a cinque (615); Antonio Barrè, “aria” of Bradamante from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Ghiselino Danckerts: heroine’s oath of fidelity from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Giordano Passetto: Audi bone persone in Villotta alla padoana con quatro parte (750); Girolamo Belli d’Argenta: I furti (754-56); Monteverdi: Cruda Amarilli (852).

Sources: Tromboncino: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore (105); Verdelot: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Domenico Ferrabosco: Baciami vita mia in De diversi autori il quarto libro de madrigali a 4 voci a note bianche (311); Cipriano de Rore: Anchor che col partire (374); Adrian Willaert: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Anonymous: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92, 643); Anonymous: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare in Quattro libri delle Villotte (595-96); Marenzio: Liquide perle Amor (614-15), Cruda Amarilli (852); Marc’Antonio Ingegneri: Dolorosi martir fieri tormenti in Il terzo libro de madrigali . . . con due canzoni francese (615); Andrea Gabrieli: Due rose fresche (643-44); Anonymous, folk arias to Ariosto’s verses from Orlando furioso (645); Stefano Rossetto: Il lamento di Olimpia (645); Anonymous: Voltate in qua e do bella Rosina, Damene un poco de quella fugacina (750); Anonymous [Guglielmo Gonzaga]: Villotte mantovane (753); Benedetto Pallavicino: Cruda Amarilli (853).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

While the early works of Severo Bonini demonstrate a fidelity to the style of early monodists like Giulio Caccini, an exposure to the music of Monteverdi, especially his early operas Orfeo and Arianna, caused the Vallambrosian monk to break from these models in search of a Monteverdian style of musical expression. In his Lamento d'Arianna, Bonini sets Rinuccini's text in a manner modeled after Monteverdi's version. Just as in Monteverdi's lament, for example, the text is set syllabically with the same pauses and phrasing that create a rising sense of affective intensity. Bonini, like Monteverdi, allows the music to be governed by the poetic meter and text emphasis. Bonini and Monteverdi also both emphasize the same words, though through differing musical techniques; Monteverdi uses repeated notes over the same word or syllable while Bonini composes ornamental turning figures for the important points in the text. The monk's allegiance to Monteverdi is further proven in his Discorsi, which praises the opera composer's style and beautiful musical concepts. Thus, his admiration manifests itself most clearly in an instance of modeling on the same text by Rinuccini with a strikingly similar style of text expression and musical affect.

Works: Severo Bonini: Lamento d'Arianna (573-82).

Sources: Monteverdi: Lamento d'Arianna (575-81).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: General, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

The search for unnamed musical models that were adopted by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century composers is problematic because the musical language of the time made extensive use of stereotyped formulas. For example, it would be misleading to think of the descending chromatic passage of a fourth in John Dowland's lute solo Forlorn Hope Fancy as a "theme" composed by Dowland, because it was simply a commonly used formula of the time. Dowland's famous tune Lachrymae (which was quoted throughout the seventeenth century in a large number of compositions) also consists of a descending scalar line and therefore poses similar problems in that it could be merely an example of a common melodic formula. It is possible, however, that Cipriano De Rore's frequently printed 1548 madrigal Quando lieta sperarai was the model for Dowland's tune. It contains a very similar melodic passage set to the words "Lagrimae dunque." It is likely that Dowland became familiar with this madrigal on his 1595 trip to Italy and incorporated it into his composition.

Works: Dowland: Lachrymae (65-68).

Sources: Rore: Quando lieta sperarai (65-68).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Originality is considered among the most essential qualities in the age of Enlightenment. It is especially difficult to attain in music, an entirely imitative art, and music plagiarism is seen in both young composers struggling to pass mediocrity as well as great composers. The measure of their offenses often increases in proportion with their experience and reputation. There are composers guilty of "musical felony" such as Corelli and Handel. Handel's adaptations of pre-existing music have been noted by historians, but none have accused Handel of plagiarism. Boyce, Mozart, Clementi, and Rossini have all committed different degrees of "petty larcenies." The act of musical plagiarism must be brought to light in order to warn young composers and encourage them to create styles of their own.

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Tong Cheng Blackburn

Monteverdi used a monodic setting of Sfogava con le stelle by Caccini included in Le nuove musiche as the basis of his madrigal by that name, included in Book IV of the madrigals. Monteverdi altered the melodic line to achieve a smoother contour, and adjusted the text-setting to remove unimportant syllables from positions of prominence. He manipulated the material in Caccini's piece in various ways, using Caccini's melody as a bass line, for example. As only seven months separated the publication of Le nuove musiche and the publication of Book IV of Monteverdi's madrigals containing its parody, Horsley speculates that Monteverdi used the parody as an indirect reply to criticism leveled by Caccini in the preface to his volume aimed at the new style of polyphonic madrigals, a style championed by Monteverdi. Monteverdi's setting of Sfogava con le stelle is somewhat atypical of his style, and it counters each of Caccini's points of contention.

Works: Caccini: Sfogava con le stelle; Monteverdi: Sfogava con le stelle.

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

The four-voiced chanson Doulce Memoire by Pierre Sandrin (c. 1490-1561), first published in 1538, was so popular that it was frequently reprinted for almost 90 years. It became the subject for a large number of instrumental and vocal arrangements, including versions for solo lute, viola da gamba with keyboard instrument, and solo keyboard instrument, as well as versions for two-, three-, four-, five-, and six-part vocal ensemble. Among these examples are an instrumental improvisation manual (1553) by Spaniard Diego Ortiz that teaches the user to improvise on the chanson, a 5-part parody mass (1577) by Orlando di Lasso, and a highly embellished version for viola da gamba and keyboard instrument (1626) by Vicenzo Bonizzi. Of the 36 versions of the chanson discussed here, 24 have been transcribed complete into modern notation.

Works: Ortiz: Recercada Prima (17, 50-51), Recercada Segonda (54-57), Recercada Tercera (58-61), Recercada Quarta que es una Quinta Boz (62-65); Clemens non Papa: Magnificat (91-93); Orlando di Lasso: Missa ad imitationem moduli Doulce memoire (20); Cipriano de Rore: Missa super Dulcis memoria (20).

Sources: Sandrin: Doulce Memoire (1-22).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Prior Salomone Rossi research has suggested that the composer was in no way influenced by the music of the Jewish liturgy, but simply composed his music for the synagogue in the musical language of contemporary church music composers. However, an exception might well be made in the case of Rossi's motet Elohim hasivenu. The canto part to the motet shares a notable melodic likeness to the Elohim hashivenu chant used in the Italian rite. Rossi added melismas to the chant in order to tailor the melody to the motet style.

Works: Rossi: Elohim hasivenu.

Sources: Jewish Liturgy, Italian Rite: Elohim hasivenu, Psalm 80, verse 4 (52-56); Lasso: Cum essem parvulus (57).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Eytan Uslan

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

It is suggested that the Duke of Newcastle's play, The Triumphant Widow (1674), may be a significant forerunner to John Gay's The Beggar's Opera. Apparently The Triumphant Widow was an unusual play for its time, and it introduced a number of ballad opera characteristics (such as provincial comedy, or abundance of song and spoken verse) that may have influenced the creation of The Beggar's Opera. Similarities between plots, characters, tone, and structure in these two works are discussed.

Works: John Gay: The Beggars' Opera.

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Lee Ann Roripaugh

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

The fundamental change in the style of the ricercar can be explained by considering analogies to rhetorical literature; the early improvisatory ricercar fits Aristotle's description of a proem while the late "motetic" ricercar follows the plan of the exordium described by Cicero. Early ricercars resemble Aristotle's proem in their preludial function, how they establish the mode of a following motet or madrigal, and how they are used for the tuning of the instrument (as an orator would "tune" the soul of his listeners by attracting their attention). Late ricercars, on the other hand, seem to be modeled after Cicero's exordium, which is divided into the principium and the insinuatio. The plain and direct principium makes the listener attentive while the more subtle insinuatio steals into the listener's mind indirectly. The musical implications of Cicero's principium and insinuatio are realized in ricercars by Andrea Gabrieli and Girolamo Cavazzoni featuring intonazioni which begin with full and plain chords, and imitative ricercars consisting of voices creeping in quietly one by one while imperceptibly increasing the number of voices. In this light, the two ricercars in J. S. Bach's Musical Offering can be seen as being modeled after Cicero's twofold distinction as well as Frescobaldi's toccata (principium) and ricercar (insinuatio) in his Fiori musicali.

Works: Andrea Gabrieli: Intonazione del primo tono (26); Girolamo Cavazzoni: Ricercar primo (26-27); Hieronimo Parabosco: Ricercar XVIII (27); J. S. Bach: Musical Offering (39-40).

Sources: Frescobaldi: Fiori musicali (41).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Index Classifications: 1600s

A plainchant Kyrie melody bearing the label “ungaricum,” which appears in several variants in medieval manuscripts from Central European cities, demonstrates the influence of cultural exchange on the transmission of late medieval melodies. By tracing its history through Southern Germany, Hungary, and Poland during the late medieval period, and by examining the variants which appear in Melnicki’s Kyrie and Thannabaur’s Sanctus catalogues, it can be proven that a single plainchant melody could be adapted to serve multiple functions. An appendix lists the sources where the “ungaricum” melody can be found.

Works: Anonymous: Ungaricum sanctus de beata virgine pulchrum sequitu (20-21); Anonymous: Sequitur ungaricum kyrieleis (20-21).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Cynthia Dretel, Matthew G. Leone

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s

The title Sudori Musicali indicates that the works within the collection are new settings of works previously published for instrumental ensembles. The revisions include changes in pitch level, mensuration, texture, thematic material, and form. Cavaccio's canzonas testify to his mastery of the Renaissance techniques of parody. A number of parody canzonas are considered, and the article includes a table of both the canzonas of Sudori Musicali and their models.

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Marc Moskovitz

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Pachelbel combined traits of the Catholic and Protestant schools of organ playing, assimilating polyphonic and homophonic elements in the development of the prelude form. His chorale preludes can be grouped into two types: chorale fugue and setting of the complete chorale as a cantus firmus. A third type uses a combination of these two, with the fugue leading into the full cantus firmus statement. In setting the chorale as a cantus firmus, Pachelbel is innovative, treating the cantus firmus imitatively while also presenting it in two-, three-, or fourfold augmentation. The cantus firmus is often paired with either a figurative accompaniment or with a purely harmonic accompaniment in which the voices move independently. In Pachelbel's chorale preludes he reveals a desire to achieve harmonic clarity and to showcase the melody.

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

While some of Byrd's anthems are contrafacta of his Latin motets, two others are known to borrow from works by other composers. The opening of How long shall mine enemies shares melodic and organizational features with Tallis's I call and cry and Byrd models the conclusion ("But my trust is in thy mercy") on the corresponding section ("Forget my wickedness") of his predecessor, quoting the last three measures quite literally. Although the soprano and alto parts of William Hunnis's verse anthem Alack when I looke back are lost, it can still clearly be recognized as the model of Byrd's setting of the same text. Both compositions correspond in terms of form, melodic material, and techniques, such as quotation of the preexistent tune in an inner part at parallel places. Byrd, however, expands the choruses at the end of each verse and enhances the contrapuntal workmanship.

Works: Byrd: How long shall mine enemies (282-87), Alack, when I look back (295-99), All ye people clap your hands (302), Arise, O Lord, why sleepest thou (302), Behold I bring you glad tidings (302), Behold now praise the Lord (302), Be not wroth very sore (302), Blessed art thou, O Lord (302), Let not our prayers (303), Let not thy wrath (303), Let us arise (302), Lift up your heads (303), O Lord, give ear (303), O Lord turn thy wrath (303).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Even after Neo-Gallican reforms revised and suppressed traditional liturgical melodies, plainchant was still sung in almost all parishes as well as the Chapelle Royale of Louis XIV and Louis XV in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France. At this time, plainchants were still employed to enhance the solemnity of the service and provide a way in which composers of secular music could create sacred-sounding music. Plainchants were incorporated into polyphonic music in several ways, including the use of psalm tone intonations, Gregorian intonations, short quotations from chant to emphasize key words, and cantus firmus. Often, plainchants could be anticipated in orchestral introductions. These practices may have been influenced by the chant sur le livre, a French convention of improvising around a plainchant. Aside from emphasizing the sacred aspect of a composition, quotations from popular chants could convey the meaning of the text to those who did not speak Latin, or certain chants could be utilized for political allegory in order to reflect the grandeur of the King.

Works: Jean-Baptiste Lully: Dies Irae (116-18); Henri Madin: Dixit Dominus (130-31); Antoine Blanchard: Jubilate Deo (130-35).

Sources: Dies Irae (116-18); Graduale romanum (Sanctus) (121-35).

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Jacopo Peri's music has been consistently underappreciated by recent scholarship in favor of the operatic and musical mastery of his contemporary Claudio Monteverdi. But a comparison of similar stylistic elements between Peri's Euridice and Monteverdi's Orfeo demonstrates the flaws in this musicological hierarchy. The importance of text expression in Peri's opera manifests itself in a number of ways that are mirrored in Monteverdi's Orfeo. A limited but selective use of instruments in the orchestral accompaniment can be found in both operas. There is also a very similar use of melodic expression in points of recitative and soliloquy. This relationship can be found in a comparison of sections from Peri's Euridice with Monteverdi's Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda and Orfeo. Thus, in a more careful study of Peri's opera, one finds a number of elements that constitute an important precursor to Monteverdian theater.

Works: Monteverdi: Orfeo (117-27), Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda (121).

Sources: Jacopo Peri: Euridice (117-27).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

The anonymous popular ballad As I Went to Walsingham frequently appeared as thematic material in sixteenth-century instrumental compositions. Examples for lute solo include theme and variation sets such as Francis Cutting's Walsingham, John Dowland's Walsingham, Edward Collard's Walsingham, and John Marchant's Walsingham. Examples for keyboard (harpsichord or virginal) include William Byrd's Have With You to Walsinghame. In addition to sharing the same thematic material (the As I Went to Walsingham melody) these compositions often shared similar or identical melodic fragments, called "figures," that were perhaps specific to compositions based on the Walsingham melody. This shared use of musical figures is perhaps analogous to the way in which poets such as Sir Walter Raleigh would adopt literary phrases from other poets when writing about similar subjects.

Works: Cutting: Walsingham (20-21); Collard: As I Went to Walsingham (22, 27); John Dowland: Walsingham (22-24); John Marchant: Walsingham (23-24); Byrd: Have With You to Walsinghame (26-28).

Sources: Anonymous: As I Went to Walsingham (19-36).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Variations, which often use borrowed material, fall into the following seven historical categories: (1) Renaissance and Baroque variations on secular songs, dances, and arias; (2) Renaissance and Baroque variations on plainchant and chorales; (3) the Baroque basso ostinato variation; (4) the ornamental variation of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; (5) the nineteenth-century character variation; (6) the nineteenth-century basso ostinato variation; and (7) the free variation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Variations also fall into two basic plans, structural and free. Variations in categories (1) through (6) above followed the older structural plan, in which basic relationships of parts, sections, and phrases in the theme were preserved in the variations. By the early twentieth century, variations were constructed in two ways: following the structural plan and following the newer free plan, in which basic relationships of sections and phrases in the theme were disregarded. Generally, the most conspicuous elements of themes most emphatically demand change. Rhythm is the most conspicuous element, and thus must be varied the most. The melodic subject is second most conspicuous. The harmonico-structural frame is least conspicuous, was historically generally retained, and therefore may be considered as the substance of the theme. All variations are committed to the task of securing unity within a manifold. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries there was a growing trend toward the use of original themes. Renaissance and Baroque themes were frequently borrowed from dances and secular songs. In the ornamental variation, borrowed themes continued to include the dance piece and the popular song and also included the operatic excerpt. In the nineteenth-century character variation, neither the secular song nor the operatic aria were important sources of borrowed themes. Instead, composers used instrumental works (such as suites and sonatas) and instrumentally conceived themes from members of their own circles. Despite the trend toward the use of original themes, borrowed themes, including folk songs, still persisted in the free variation.

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: Daniel Bertram

Inspired by Greek antiquity, French musicians of the seventeenth century looked to Turkish culture as a "living model" of Greek musical ideas. Among the similarities of Turkish music to Greek music are monophonic and heterophonic texture, tetrachordal constructions, and microtonal tunings. Turkish affects also provided a significant amount of exoticism and novelty, which were sought by musicians and audiences. Turkish art songs, such as those composed by Süleyman Celebi, inspired French attempts at transcription of Turkish music in the seventeenth century, and several aspects of Turkish military music and Janissary bands influenced composition at the court of Louis XIV. In fact, the French tradition of using drum signals to assemble troops was borrowed from the Turkish military tradition. The Sun King went so far as to appoint Lully as director of military music in order for his martial ensembles to compete with Janissary bands. Turkey was also used as a model of ancient music practices in the Parallèle of Charles Perrault.

Works: Lully: Thesée (379-80); Sébastien de Brossard: Marche pour les Turcs (379-80), Marche des Janissaires (379-81).

Sources: Suleyman Celibi: Melvidi Sherif (368-71).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Monteverdi's famous madrigal setting of Battista Guarini's text from Il pastor fido, "Cruda Amarilli," places him within a tradition of Cruda Amarilli madrigals, but also sets him apart in his overt modeling on Marenzio's setting of the same text and on the madrigal book in which it is found, Settimo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (1595). The four most prominent Cruda Amarilli madrigals, by Giaches de Wert, Marenzio, Monteverdi, and Benedetto Pallavicino, are clearly interrelated musically through motivic, structural, harmonic, and textural similarities. The Marenzio and Wert settings, while borrowing from each other as well, can be viewed as clear models for Monteverdi and Pallavicino. Yet the prominent similarities between Monteverdi's and Marenzio's Cruda Amarilli settings must be approached through a contextualization within their relative madrigal books. In a comparison of these two books, it is evident that Monteverdi paid close attention to Marenzio's use and organization of Pastor fido texts and constructed his own book accordingly. Such a clear case of modeling could be attributed to Monteverdi's desire to promote himself within the Ferrarese and Mantuan courts and to create connections with intellectual and patronage circles specifically linked to Marenzio. Thus, Monteverdi places himself within a tradition of madrigal settings while simultaneously forging a distinct relationship with Marenzio in an effort to promote his career and to ally himself with another well-respected composer of the day.

Works: Giaches de Wert: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Marenzio: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Benedetto Pallavicino: Cruda Amarilli (320-26); Monteverdi: Cruda Amarilli (320-28), Quinto libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (328-36).

Sources: Giaches de Wert: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Marenzio: Cruda Amarilli (316-20), Settimo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (328-33).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: 1600s

[Includes discussion of his divisions on grounds.]

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1600s

The Spanish Pange lingua in Mode V known only on the Iberian peninsula has been set repeatedly by Spanish keyboard composers, revealing the change of styles and techniques over three centuries. Early settings of the hymn, including ten by Antonio de Cabezón, range from ornamented intabulations to works written in an idiomatic instrumental style. Seventeenth-century settings by Manuel Rodrigues Coelho and Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia often use a three-part texture with a slow-moving melody surrounded by faster figuration. The sixty settings by Juan Cabanilles vary from pieces using simple rhythmic motives to more complex pieces with dense imitation. In a tiento by Cabanilles, the hymn tune begins buried in the tenor before it migrates to the other voices, gradually exposing the basis of the composition. In a setting by Vincente Rodríguez, the lower voices are registered separately on the organ to oppose the treble parts. A more fugal treatment of the hymn can be seen in José Lidón's setting from the eighteenth century, where motives derived from the hymn are developed as subjects of a large fugue. Although the use of the hymn declined by the nineteenth century, pianistic settings by Hilarión Eslava and Nicolás Ledsma are found in an anthology of organ music from 1854. The short survey of keyboard settings of the hymn shows a wide spectrum of styles: intabulations in ricercar style, divided-register pieces, sophisticated fugues, and nineteenth-century pianistic styles.

Works: Cabezón: Pange lingua (67); Heredia: La reina de los Pange linguas (68); Cabanilles: Tiento de Pange lingua (68); Rodríguez: Pange lingua de mano izquierda (68); Lidón: Fuga sobre el Pange lingua (69).

Sources: Pange lingua from the Liber Processionarius Regularis Observantiae Ordinis Cisterciensis, 1569 (66).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Index Classifications: 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

The music composed for theatrical productions at the Comédie-Française and the Comédie-Italienne in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Paris shaped the urban popular song tradition of vaudeville, or popular songs that circulated in urban Paris with often satirical and subversive texts commenting on public affairs. Out of Évariste Gherardi’s six volumes of repertoire from the Comédie-Italienne, twenty-six songs originating in the theater appear in chansonniers collecting the texts (and sometimes music) of the vaudeville tradition. A ribald parody of Jean-Gille, Gilli joli Jean from the 1697 play Pasquin et Marforio, Médecins des mærs printed in the Maurepas Chansonnier demonstrates the appeal of using such innuendo-laden theater music to comment on public scandal. It is also a useful case study in tracing the origin of a vaudeville tune back to its original form. The vaudeville Les Trembleurs presents a notable case of a vaudeville originating from an opera, Lully’s Isis (1677), before itself being absorbed into the Comédie-Italienne repertoire in 1693. Musical finales from the Comédie-Française and the Comédie-Italienne, which were very often structured as highly repetitive strophic tunes, were frequently turned into vaudevilles collected in chansonniers. The plays of Florent Carton Dancourt and Jean-Claude Gillier at the Comédie-Française also frequently included similar strophic tunes at the end of their divertissements, several of which also “ran in the streets” as vaudevilles. The dynamic relationship between Parisian theaters and the vaudeville tradition was mutually beneficial. Theatrical songs that became vaudevilles acted as effective word-of-mouth advertisement for the productions themselves, and after the closure of the Comédie-Italienne, the vaudeville repertory reemerged in fairground theater, giving birth to French comic opera.

Works: Anonymous: Jean-Gille, Gille joli Jean printed in Maurepas Chansonnier (426-30), Les Trembleurs (430-34); André Campra: Hésione (442-45).

Sources: Dufresny and Claude-Ignace Brugière de Barante: Jean-Gille, Gille joli Jean from Pasquin et Marforio, Médecins des mæurs (426-30); Lully: Isis (430-34); Dancourt and Gillier: La Foire de Bezons (439-45).

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Just after the turn of the 17th century, Aquilio Coppini published three consecutive books of spiritual madrigals which were sacred contrafacta of madrigals by Monteverdi. In all the examples discussed in this article, most of the character, structure, syntax, melody, and words of the Italian originals are preserved in the new sacred Latin versions. Inspiration for these sacred recompositions probably came from a request by Cardinal Federico Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, who, in following the sacred reforms instigated by his cousin and predecessor, Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, saw value in using the music of composers of the new baroque style in order to entice worshipers to the faith.

Works: Coppini: Maria, quid ploras (170), Te, Jesu Christe (170), Qui pietate tua dirupisti (170), Qui laudes tuas cantat (170), Luce serena (170), Plorat amare (171), O Jesu mea vita (171).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Paula Ring Zerkle

Spanish composers for the Baroque guitar took borrowed material as a point of departure for unique and personal creative expression. In the simplest cases, phrases were added or omitted from existing works, or changes were made in ornamentation. Another technique was the use of a musical "module" that could be altered, expanded into two separate phrases, or serve as a sort of musical parenthesis. This type of recomposition is frequently found in passacaglias, variations, batallas, and obras de clarines. In other cases, a borrowed phrase may serve as a point of departure for an entirely new composition. At other times, motifs may be borrowed to serve as unifying elements in a new composition, especially a suite.

Works: Libro de diferentes cifras de guitarra escojidas de los mejores autores (1-10, 14-15); Santiago de Murcia: Passacalles y obras de guitarra por todos los tonos naturals y acidentales (12-17), Obra por la O (18-22); Ruiz de Ribayaz: Luz y norte musical para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra española y arpa (16-17).

Sources: Gaspar Sanz: Instrucción de música sobre la guitarra española (2-10, 14-15); Antonio Martín y Coll: Flores de música (11-13); Antoine Carré: Prelude (14-15); Henry Grenerin: Gigue Aymable (14-15); Arcangelo Corelli: Sonatas from Opus 5 (15-16); François Campion: Nouvelles découvertes sur la guitarre (17); François Le Cocq: Recueil des pièces de guitarre (18-22).

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Stadlmayr's Missa Fuggi pur se sai, based on Giovanni Gabrieli's secular composition of the same name, is one of four masses that borrow material from other composers, and one of two that borrow from works of Gabrieli. These two works in particular testify to the marked influence of the Venetian school in southern Germany during the first half of the seventeenth century. Both of Stadlmayr's masses based on works of Gabrieli use the original material sparingly. The Missa Fuggi pur se sai illustrates this economy while demonstrating some remarkable inventiveness on the part of Stadlmayr, particularly in his treatment of rhythm. Together, all four masses illustrate that imitation technique was far from being a unified procedure in seventeenth-century compositional practice.

Works: Stadlmayr: Missa Fuggi pur se sai.

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Randal Tucker

In the late seventeenth century, Henry Aldrich "translated" many sacred Latin compositions by Palestrina, Carissimi, Thomas Tallis, William Byrd, and others into English, for use in Anglican Church services. Aside from changing the language, Aldrich "naturalized" the Italian works by adapting the musical settings to fit into contemporary English practice. These changes included the removal of melismas, use of alternate textures, and changing modality into tonality, as well as adding choral punctuations to the motets of Carissimi. Aldrich's recompositions were inspired by the theories of imitatio that were manifest in the English educational system of the 1600s.

Works: John Aldrich: We have heard with our ears (392-94), Hold not thy tongue (394-96), I am well pleased (396-400).

Sources: Giovanni di Pierluigi da Palestrina: Doctor bonus (392-94), Nativitas tua (394-96); Giacomo Carissimi: Praevaluerunt in nos, Vidi impium (396-400).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Intabulating polyphonic music for the keyboard presents certain problems of representation, whether the transcriptions are sixteenth-century arrangements or twentieth-century modern editions. While an intabulation is often thought of as a representation of the original work, in some cases, it might be better to consider it as a recomposition of its source.

Works: Jacques Buus: Recercar primo, Intabulatura d’organo (89); Anonymous (transcriber), Frescobaldi (composer): Capriccio sopra un soggetto in Ravenna, Biblioteca comunale classense, MS Class. 545, fol. 27 (89-90).

Sources: Jacques Buus: Recercar primo, Secondo libro (89); Frescobaldi: Capriccio sopra un soggetto (89-90).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1900s

Housed in the Chiesa Collegiata at Castell’Arquato are keyboard intabulations of vocal works (among them transcriptions of madrigals and sacred pieces) that were crafted by a single, anonymous hand. Three pieces within Fascicles IV and VI of these intabulations, along with their models, can be used to demonstrate that the intabulator performs multiple functions that range from transcription to interpolation and recombination. The seventy-year transmission of the four-voice hymn Fit porta Christi displays numerous stylistic changes. Magnificat was modeled upon two different Magnificats, with odd-numbered verses modeled after an unknown source and even-numbered verses modeled upon a Magnificat by Lasso. O gloriosa domina stitches together borrowings from Willaert. Consequently, each of these three pieces maintains an idiomatic relationship with its models.

Works: Anonymous: Canti donque (133-35), Assumpta est Maria (135-37), Ego dormio (137), Adoramus te, Christe (138-39), Fit porta Christi (139-43), Magnificat (143-45), O gloriosa domina (145-49).

Sources: Anonymous: Fit porta Christi (139-42), Magnificat (143-45); Lasso: Magnificat primi toni (143-45); Willaert: O gloriosa domina—Maria, mater gratie (145-49).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Archival evidence reveals that Heinrich Schütz’s Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? was first performed in 1632 as part of an anniversary celebration commemorating the Protestant victory at the Battle of Breitenfeld. This performance occurred nearly twenty years before Schütz published Saul in Symphoniae sacrae III (1650), allowing him time to conceivably revise the concerto. A table summarizes other potential sources that Schütz may have also adapted for Symphoniae sacrae III, along with their original and revised scorings. In all of these cases, and perhaps that of Saul, Schütz retained the text and many musical features common to both the sources and their adaptations.

Works: Schütz: Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? (385-387).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1600s

Poland experienced an awakening of interest in art and music in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In addition to the imported traditions of western Europe which accompanied an influx of Italian musicians to Poland, a body of music existed which, although not actual folk music, was the music of everyday life in Poland, the music which accompanied the rituals of church and social events. This music, which included the traditional dance forms of the mazurka and polonaise, provided the basic material for new works such as parody Masses. Other composers quoted popular melodies in various genres such as instrumental canzone and pastorals.

Works: Jan Fabrycy: Parody Mass on the motet In te Domine speravi by Waclaw of Szamotul (106); Gerwazy Gorczycki: Missa Paschalis (106); Marcin Leopolita: Missa Paschalis (106); Marcin Mielczewski: Missa super o glorioso (107); Bartlomiej Pekiel: Missa Paschalis (106).

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

Weelkes's madrigals employ a number of prominent compositional features drawn from the English style. His use of chromaticism, however, demonstrates a considerable debt to Italian musical practice. In his 1600 collection Madrigals of Five and Six Parts, especially, his use of chromaticism grew to rival that of Marenzio, having studied not only Marenzio's late chromatic works, but also Monteverdi's Il terzo libro de madrigali a cinque voci by 1600. Works by Marenzio that may have influenced Weelkes include Se la mia vita (1588) and Udite lagrimosi (1594), while Monteverdi's Rimanti in pace may have likewise had an effect on the English composer's music. However, in other ways Weelkes is indebted to the influence of other English composers like Dowland and, especially, Morley. Such influences are evident in a comparison of Weelkes's O Care though wilt despatch me with Dowland's Burst forth and Morley?s Phillis, I fain would die now. Another possible influence on Weelkes's more extreme use of chromaticism could be the keyboard and church music of Peter Philips. Thus, Weelkes's daring chromaticism can be attributed to a number of sources, the most prominent of which are the late Italian madrigalists Marenzio and Monteverdi.

Works: Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals of Five and Six Parts (2-14), O Care thou wilt despatch me (3).

Sources: Monteverdi: Il terzo libro a cinque voci (2), Rimanti in pace (11); Dowland: Burst forth (3); Thomas Morley: Phillis, I fain would die now (3); Marenzio: Se la mia vita (7), Udite lagrimosi (10).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

John Wilbye's Second Set of Madrigals from 1609 demonstrates a familiarity with two prominent Italian madrigalists at the turn of the century: Luca Marenzio and Claudio Monteverdi. More specifically, Wilbye is drawing from Marenzio's ninth book of five-voice madrigals (1599) and Monteverdi's fourth and fifth books of madrigals (1603 and 1605). The 1609 collection's tendency toward the extensive use of sequences includes two techniques that can be traced to these Italian composers. The use of a pedal sequence closely resembles Monteverd's Era l'anima mia (from the fifth book). His transposition of entire polyphonic sections recalls some of Monteverdi's music as well. Moreover, Wilbye's use of chromaticism can be traced both to the works of Monteverdi (Rimanti in pace, 1592) and to those of Marenzio (Crudele acerba, 1599; and Cruda Amarilli, 1595). Yet Wilbye's music goes beyond simple imitation in an elaboration of sequence passages and an inventive use of chromaticism that allow him to break away from his Italian models.

Works: John Wilbye: Second Set of Madrigals (1-11), Happy, O happy he (2), Change me, O heavens (3), Oft have I vowed (3), Ah, cruel Amaryllis (4).

Sources: Monteverdi: Terzo libro a cinque voci (1-2), Quarto libro a cinque voci (2), Quinto libro a cinque voci (2), Rimanti in pace (2), Era l?anima mia (2); Marenzio: Nono libro a cinque voci (2), Crudele acerba (3), Cruda Amarilli (3-4).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Monteverdi's "via naturale alla immitatione" can be traced throughout his dramatic works as well as in some of his madrigal books. His musical realization of Rinuccini's L'Arianna can be seen as the culmination of that philosophy. Instances in which he does not reach that goal can be attributed to the inadequacy of his librettists, rather than to his own inability to extract the highest dramatic elements from a text. His 1607 opera Orfeo, for example, demonstrates a great debt to the compositional style of Jacopo Peri in his L'Euridice. A comparison of the two operas demonstrates striking similarities in musical language in a number of key aspects: (1) the low tessitura of the Underworld choruses; (2) the characterization of Orpheus and Pluto by tonal and melodic means; and (3) the borrowed structural outlines from large musical units in L'Euridice. Moments of musical similarity are, however, generally preceded by a correspondence in text between Striggio's and Rinuccini's librettos. Monteverdi's response to Striggio's libretto, therefore, mirrors Peri's to Rinuccini's especially in the moments when the two coincide: for example, in the messenger's narration of Eurydice's death and in Orpheus's subsequent reaction to this news. In these examples, specifically, Monteverdi's debt to Peri's stile recitativo is most prominent. Thus, it is evident that Monteverdi's musical style relies heavily on the quality of the text, and Striggio's inadequacies in borrowing from Rinuccini are reflected in the composer's realization of the libretto. Such problems can be found in Monteverdi's later Venetian operas as well, preventing the composer from duplicating the dramatic success present in his 1608 masterwork, L'Arianna.

Works: Monteverdi, Orfeo (60-108).

Sources: Jacopo Peri, L'Euridice (60-108).

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

[See chapter 2.]

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

In 1678, Lully made revisions to Psyché, his tragédie-ballet of 1671, and transformed the work into a tragédie en musique, or opera. A significant amount of material from the original tragédie-ballet was unaffected by the change, as the 1671 version of Psyché was similar to opera in a number of respects. Lully was able to adopt a number of forms from his pre-operatic days in the divertissements of the new tragédies en musique, for example. While some material from the original version may seem redundant or out of place in the 1678 opera, they serve as reminders of and highlight Lully's evolutionary process. Ultimately, the metamorphosis from tragédie-ballet to tragédie en musique is successful, but the operatic Psyché is unable to avoid the shadow of its former self.

Index Classifications: 1600s

Contributed by: David Oliver

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Ein feste Burg has had many adaptations. The tune came to symbolize the fighting march of the Protestants in the manner of a national anthem, such as La Marseillaise, in its popularity and rousing characteristics. Indeed, Ein feste Burg is associated with the beginning of the Reformation. The repetitive structure of the tune, its simplicity, and its declamation attracted several composers. Though questions arise about the exact date of the piece, as well as Luther's organization of the text, the historical significance of the piece emerges over the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as several composers adapt it in cantus firmus settings. Johann Walter collaborated with Luther to create a two-voice setting of the tune. Johann Kugelmann set the tune with three voices and, like Walter, placed the cantus firmus in the tenor. Martin Agricola also kept the melody in the tenor but added a fourth voice, increasing the imitative possibilities. Other settings in the sixteenth century adapt the four-voice setting and the imitative characteristics, although Lukas Osiander, Rogier Michael, and Sethus Calvisius all place the cantus firmus in the superius. Seventeenth-century settings exhibit more ornamentation, particularly by means of chromaticism, in the treatment of the cantus firmus, evinced by composers such as Bartholomaeus Gesius, David Scheidemann, and Hans Leo Hassler, who sought to increase the expression of the tune. Subsequent adaptations, such as Meyerbeer's spiritual associations in Les Huguenots and Debussy's appropriation of the chorale to represent German aggression in En blanc et noir, resemble emblematic quotations, showing the distance the tune traveled from its original Lutheran functions.

Works: Johann Walter: Ein feste Burg (127-28); Johann Kugelmann: Ein feste Burg (128-29); Martin Agricola ou Sore: Ein feste Burg (129-30); Sigmund Hemmel: Der ganze Psalter Davids (130); Lukas Osiander: Ein feste Burg (131); Rogier Michael: Ein feste Burg (131); Sethus Calvisius: Ein feste Burg (131-32); Bartholomaeus Gesius ou Gese: Ein feste Burg (132); David Scheidemann: Ein feste Burg (132); Melchior Vulpius: Ein feste Burg (133); Hassler: Kirchengesänge, Psalmen und Geistliche Lider (133); Praetorius: Musae Sioniae (134); Meyerbeer: Les Huguenots (135); Mendelssohn: Symphony No. 5 in D Minor, Reformation (135); Debussy: Suite pour deux pianos: En blanc et noir (135); Langlais: Suite oecuménique (135).

Sources: Luther: Ein feste Burg (117-26).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: Katie Lundeen

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Index Classifications: 1600s

Although musical borrowing has become suspect during the past 200 years, it was a commonly accepted aspect of music from the time of Quintilian through the Baroque period. Parody was the most important technique for the use of borrowed material, from both an aesthetic and an historical perspective. Purcell publicly avowed his intention to imitate Italian composers, improving upon his models in most circumstances. Purcell and his contemporaries also used English compositions as models. Handel was extremely prolific in his use of borrowed material and, like Purcell, usually improved upon his models.

Works: Pietro Reggio: Cruda Amarilli (486); Purcell: She loves and she confesses too (487); John Blow: Ah heav'n! What is't I hear (490); William Croft: Thou knowest Lord (491); Handel: "Hallelujah Chorus" from Messiah (495).

Index Classifications: 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Fredrick Tarrant