Index Classifications: 1500s

While some three-part pieces written before 1520 were given a si placet fourth part, the majority of concordant three- and four-part chansons show the reverse: four-part chansons before 1550 were most often turned into three-part pieces by removing a line, usually the contratenor. In evaluating individual pieces to determine the presence of preexistent material, the following should be considered: (1) the presence of defective harmonic writing; (2) the range and character of the questionable voice (an unusual number of semiminims, frequent voice crossing, or a general low range of all the voices would suggest a four-part original); (3) the presence of more than one cantus firmus among concordances of a given piece; (4) comparison of questionable pieces with others by the same composer.

Works: Anonymous: Amour vault trop qui bien (240); Conflicting attributions: Amy, soufrez que je vous ayme (240-41); Anonymous: Ces facheux sotz qui mesdisent d'aymer (241); Ninot le Petit or Willaert: C'est donc par moy (241); Janequin: De son amour me donne jouyssance (241-42); Anonymous: En regardant son gratieux maintien (242), Fortune, less-moy la vie (242), J'ay trop aymé, vrayment je le confesse (242), Je ne sçay pas comment (242-43); Claudin: Jouyssance vous donneray (243), Languir me fais sans t'avoir offensé (244); Anonymous: Le cueur est bon et le vouloir aussi (244); Costely: Ma douce fleur, ma marguerite (244); Tomas Janequin: Nous bergiers et nous bergieres (245); Janequin: Or sus, or sus vous dormez trop (245); Créquillon or Richafort: Or vray Dieu qu'il ennuyeux (245-46); de la Rue: Pour ung jamais ung regret me demeure (246); Janequin: S'il est si doulx par quoy n'est doncques moindre (246-47); Anonymous: Si vostre coeur prent le tenné (247); Claudin: Si vous m'aymez, donnez m'en asseurance (247); Arcadelt: S'on pouvoit acquérir (247-48).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Among the Attaingnant publications between 1528 and 1530, there are several cases of borrowings and duplications of the following kinds: (1) In four pieces (out of approximately 350) duplication involves more than one part. (2) The borrowing of a single melodic line from a four-part chanson for use in another chanson à 4 is rare. (3) Cases in which three- and four-voice works share the same text have a musical connection: they mostly share the superius. That one chanson is modeled on another one is difficult to prove. But if two chansons employ similar melodic contours, use the same cadential note for each phrase, and duplicate a harmonic passage as well, then the argument for borrowing is good.

Works: Attaingnant: Or plaise a Dieu (533), En souspirant (534), Une pastourelle gentille (534), En regardant son gratieux maintien (535).

Sources: Attaingnant: En devisant (533), Si vostre couer (534), Quand vous vouderz faire une amye (534), En regardant son gratieux maintien (535), De toy me plaintz (536).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

The Missa carminum, a Renaissance mass type cultivated by several composers that is structured around a tenor built by stringing together different pre-existent tunes, provides interesting examples of the practice of musical imitatio. The musical borrowing in these pieces highlights a composer’s innovative compositional technique while still linking to the traditions of the past. By using known tunes as the basis of new musical creations, these composers encourage the comparison of their new compositions with those whose legitimacy as musical objects is already established. In their reuse of music of the past, composers negotiate two important elements of memory. First, they navigate between their own originality and the conventions established by past composers. Second, their use of borrowing creates tension between a composer’s memory and the memory of their audience.

Works: Obrecht: Missa carminum I (91), Missa carminum II (92-93); Costanzo Festa/Andreas Da Silva: Missa carminum II (94-95).

Sources: Dufay/Binchois: Je ne vis oncques la pareille (91); Anonymous: Bon temps (91); Anonymous: Ou le trouveray (91); Anonymous: Ha! Coeur perdu et desolle (91); Busnois: Une filleresse/S’il y a compagnon/Vostre amour (91), Joye me fuit (91), Acordes moy (91), Mon mignault/Gracieuse (91), J’ai mains de bien (91); Loyset Compère/Pietrequin: Mais que se fut secretement (91); Ockeghem: S’elle m’amera/Petite camusette (91), Petite camusette (94-95); Anonymous: Je ne porroie plus celer (91); Josquin: Adieu mes amours (91, 94-95); Busfrin: Et trop penser (91); Jacobus Barbireau: Scoen lief (91-93); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Ce n’est pas jeu (91), De tous biens plaine (94-95); Anonymous: Quant je vous dys (91); Adrien Basin: Madame, faites moy savoir (91); Rubinus: Entre Paris et Saint Quentin (92-93); Johannes Martini: La Martinella (93-94); Loyset Compère: A qui diraige mes pensée (92-93), Le renvoy (92-93); Anonymous: L’homme armé (94).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The English Prayer Book of 1552 made the traditional five-movement Ordinary cycle a thing of the past, but composers began expanding the possibilities of cyclic groupings by including elements from Matins and Evensong. Sheppard in particular began expanding the use of head motive and end-of-movement material, linking movements thematically and placing the motives at various places in the individual movements. William Mundy, in composing a missing Magnificat and Nunc Dimittis for Robert Parsons' First Service, utilizes motives already found in Parsons.

Works: William Mundy: Magnificat, Nunc Dimittis (427-28).

Sources: Robert Parsons: First Service (421-27).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

An examination of some seventy-six pieces with conflicting attributions suggests that the question of attribution is not one of scribal error but rather a case of compositional revision of the work of one composer by another. Many conflicting attributions involve composers who were associated with one another in some special way, often by having been colleagues at a court or cathedral. In some cases these compositional revisions involve the entire polyphonic fabric, but more often only a single voice is involved, usually the contratenor. Sometimes different attributions are given for similar readings of existing variants; in that case, the variants may be a case of a scribe not knowing which reading to attribute to which composer. Conflicting attributions may help offer clues to lacunae in a composer's biography: Hayne van Ghizeghem and Johannes Japart are composers whose careers may be expanded in this way. Tables give all seventy-six pieces with conflicting attributions plus the twenty-three base sources from which they are drawn.

Works: Johannes Martini/Heinrich Isaac: Des biens (257-58, 278), La Martinella (257, 260, 261-62, 278); Malcourt/Johannes Martini/Johannes Ockeghem: Malheure me bat (257, 259-60, 279); Jacob Obrecht/Virgilius: Nec michi, nec tibi (258, 260, 263, 279); Antoine Busnois/Hayne van Ghizeghem: J'ay bien choisie (260, 264, 278); Antoine Busnois/Heinrich Isaac: Sans avoir (260, 265, 279); Josquin des Prez/Johannes Japart: J'ay bien rise tant (260-61, 265, 278); Alexander Agricola/Loyset Compère: La saison en est (261, 266, 279); Petrus Congiet/Johannes Japart: Je cuide (261, 266, 278); Loyset Compère/Pietrequin Bonnel: Mais que ce fust secretement (261, 267, 279); John Bedingham/Walter Frye: So ys emprentid (268, 281); Gilles Binchois/Walter Frye: Tout a par moy (269,278); Adrien Basin/[illegible]: Madame faites moy (269-71, 281); Barbingant/Johannes Fedé: L'homme banni (269, 271, 272, 281).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

A collection of Kyrie tenors called "Squares" existed in English sources at least by 1496 and had a strong rhythmic and melodic character. These tenors were used as cantus firmi in polyphonic Kyries, and their use called for a special technique. Three masses "upon the Square" make extensive use of a three-part texture rather than two- or four-part writing. The cantus firmus likewise does not appear in any one part but migrates and is frequently elaborated upon. Because the borrowed material is usually the lowest in register, frequent voice crossings are also prevalent. In addition to Kyrie "squares," there are other manuscript sources that provide "squares" for the rest of the mass movements. In these cases, the Kyrie movement uses a Kyrie "square," the Gloria movement uses the Gloria "square," and so on. However, Ludford's Lady Masses are an exception, since they are built on the Kyrie "square" throughout.

Works: William Mundy: Mass I Upon the Square (179, 181-82), Mass II Upon the Square (179, 181-82); William Whitbroke: Mass Upon the Square (178, 181-82); Ludford: Lady Masses (185-186), Missa feria iiij (186).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1500s

Although in his formal procedures Taverner is considered to follow in the footsteps of his English predecessors to a large degree, certain features are original, including parody technique. All the passages in Taverner's Mass Mater Christi are derived from "vitalis cibus," a phrase from the parent antiphon. The bulk of Taverner's setting is in exact parody, entailing only minimal changes such as melodic decoration and minor rhythmic variants; his approach almost nears contrafactum. Yet Mater Christi also provides some examples of less strict modeling and imitation of the antiphon phrase, exhibiting Taverner's awareness of the possibilities of parody technique.

Works: Taverner: Western Wynde (191-93), Mater Christi (201-8), Small Devotion (208).

Sources: "Western Wynde" (191-92), Mater Christi, antiphon (201-8), Christe Jesu, antiphon (208-9).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: David Oliver

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Claude Gervaise wrote three- and four-part chansons. Those in four parts are freely composed in a progressive style while the three-part chansons use borrowed material in the tradition of earlier pedagogical tricinia. These traditional pieces are composed in one of three ways: 1. use of a cantus firmus plus completely new material; 2. combination of cantus firmus with parodied material from the model with little or no concern for originality; 3. combination of cantus firmus and parodied material with significant original contributions. Gervaise's three-part compositions fall in this last category. Gervaise may have learned these particular borrowing techniques from Thilman Susato's Premier livre of 1544. Gervaise wrote these chansons for the inexperienced singer yet retained his artistic integrity in the process. Like no other composer of sixteenth-century chansons, Gervaise borrows his material according to a consistent set of compositional principles.

Works: Gervaise: Aultant que moy (366), Mon Pencement (367), M'amye est tant honneste (368), Au temps heureux (369), D'Amour me plains (369), Si l'on doibt prendre (370), Las! je sçay bien (370).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Tylman Susato's Premier and Tiers livres à 2 ou à 3 parties include approximately fifty chansons that derive their material from preexistent sources. The models for Susato's cantus firmus chansons come from Flemish, Italian, and Parisian prints; from compositions for two voices or four; from both polyphonic and homophonic compositions; and from composers as divergent as Josquin des Prez and Claudin de Sermisy as well as Susato himself. Susato modifies the cantus firmus to suit the needs of his new composition. While retaining most cadential schemes from his models, Susato feels free to change some cadences to fit the logic of his new piece. He borrows from the lower voices of his models as well, using parody to highlight tension or stability in the new piece. Unlike Gervaise [see Bernstein, "Claude Gervaise as Chanson Composer"], who demonstrates little regard for the formal implications of borrowed material, Susato takes care to emphasize the structural nature of his models.

Works: Susato: Content désir (218), Long temps y a (219), Je prens en gré (220), Mon pauvre cueur (221), Grace vertu (222), Puisque j'ay perdu mes amours (229-30).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The conversion of secular musical works into religious pieces by the substitution of a new text was a common technique in the sixteenth century. The noël-parody is one example, where a text describing the nativity would replace a secular text, thus creating a "new" piece without changing the music. The model for the noël-parody, the form into which the new text was introduced, was the chanson rustique, a form of popular origins that was part of an oral tradition. As many of the texts of the noël-parodies are preserved in printed collections, they can provide information about their models that is not available to us by any other means, such as the strophic design of a chanson rustique and its approximate date of circulation.

Works: [CHANSONS] Bulkyn: Or sus, or sus, bovier (32); Compère: Je suys amie du fourrier (37); Godart: Mariez moy, mon pere (41); Josquin: Si j'avois Marion (41); Rogier: Noble fleur excellente (41); Anonymous: En m'esbatant/Gracieuse plaisant mousniere/Gente fleur de noblesse; La Chanson de la grue (33); Maistre Jehan de Pont Allez, or allez (36); Mariez moy, mon pere (40); Mon cotillonnet (35); Monseigner le grant maistre (39, 41); Noble cueur d'excellence (40); Si j'eusse Marion (41). [NOEL-PARODIES] Autre noël sure la chanson de cotillon (35); De mon triste desplaisir (29); Or chantons de cueur isnel, o nouel (37); Or sus, or sus, bouvier, Dieu te coint bonne estraine (33); Quant l'empereur des romains (33).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Throughout the Middle Ages, veneration of local martyrs and miracle workers continually increased, leading to the creation of location-specific liturgical services and music to celebrate these saints’ feast days. One such creation is Matthaeus Pipelare’s Missa de Sancto Livino. Pipelare drew from a large body of texts and liturgical chant unique to Ghent, ultimately weaving twenty plainsong melodies into his polyphonic mass. His methods of integration varied; while he seldom quoted these chants in their entirety, he typically quoted portions faithfully or modestly paraphrased them. His mass demonstrates that local traditions of liturgy and chant exerted influence upon sacred polyphonic compositions.

Examination of the relationship between Pipelare’s mass and its plainsong sources allows the discovery that Pierre de la Rue’s Missa de Sancto Job was modeled directly upon Pipelare’s Missa de Sancto Livino. La Rue’s treatment of Pipelare’s cantus firmi and melodic motives demonstrates that he was not familiar with the plainsong melodies in their original contexts, or, at the least, he used Pipelare’s mass as his source. La Rue’s mass therefore is another example of the widespread practice in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of finding inspiration for new polyphonic compositions in the materials of existing polyphonic works. Tables and schematic diagrams show the distribution of texts and melodies within the Missa de Sancto Livino and the Missa de Sancto Job.

Works: Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de Sancto Livino (171, 177, 184-98); Pierre de la Rue: Missa de Sancto Job (199-213).

Sources: Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de Sancto Livino (200-213).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contrafacta are songs of which the secular text has been replaced by a sacred one. While the melodies should at least closely relate, the textual connections may vary considerably. In some cases, the author of the sacred text translated the original text nearly literally with the exception of a few words providing the sacred meaning. In other cases, he preserved only the affections and/or the rhyme scheme of the secular poem. After 1600, the contrafactum could include changes of measure and melodic as well as harmonic progressions in order to achieve a better correspondence of text and music.

Works: Works: Gramann-Poliander: Nun lob, mein Seel, den Herren (92); Luther: Nun freut euch, lieben Christen gmein (92, 109); anonymous contrafacta: Freut euch, freut euch in dieser Zeit (92), Von Gott will ich nicht lassen (97); Speiser: Ach, wie ein süsser Name ist der Name Jesu Christ (106), Amor, amor hab ich zu Gott allein (106), Frisch her, ihr lieben Christen, zum Streit so lasst uns rüsten (106), Ich bin frölich im Herren, das kann mir niemand wehren (106), O du mein Herre Jesu Christ, der du für mich gestorben bist (106), O Tod mit deiner G'stalte, wie bist du mir gar so grimm (106), O Herr, ich schreie zu dir mit ganz herzlicher Begier (106), Der jüngst' Tag ist nit ferre (106), O Gott, mein Herre, Mein' Glauben mehre (107); Regnart: Venus, du und dein Kind (106); Lindemann: In dir ist Freude In allem Leide (107); Rist: O Göttinne zart (107-8, 112-13); Neukrantz: Eile, Gott, mich zu erretten (107-8, 112-13); Praetorius/Schultze: Das ist mir lieb, mein Gott und Herr (108-9).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

In his Four-Part Mass, William Byrd pays homage to John Taverner by using the basic structure of Taverner's "Meane" Mass. Structural connections between the Masses include similar voice distribution, section breaks and cadential points in corresponding passages. However, Byrd eschews his model's thematic links, except for the use of a head motive to unify only the Gloria and Agnus Dei. Byrd's Sanctus movement does not feature any thematic link to the other Mass movements; however he reveals homage to Taverner overtly at the beginning of this movement. Here Byrd transforms the "Meane" Mass's head motive using melodic expansion and contrapuntal techniques, and thus refers directly to the model's thematic material for the first time. From this study, it is likely that the Sanctus movements of Byrd's other two masses share similar features with Taverner's "Meane" Mass.

Works: William Byrd: Four-Part Mass (170-74), Five-Part Mass (174), Three-Part Mass (174-75).

Sources: John Taverner: "Meane" Mass (170-76).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Victoria Malawey

Index Classifications: 1500s

Embellishment in sixteenth-century intabulations ranged from the more sparing use of ornaments by mid-century lutenists to a much heavier and consistent use of ornamentation in the 1580s and 1590s. A comparison of several intabulations from the mid-century reveals a similar procedure of applying embellishments to obscure points of imitation and repeated sections of the vocal model. The lack of concern for bringing out the structure of the model and the freedom with which ornaments were applied shows how mid-century lutenists prized variety more than structural clarity. In the intabulations of Francesco da Milano and Francesco Spinacino, original vocal models are transformed into idiomatic pieces through a more motivic use of graces and through recomposition of certain passages. While the practice of free embellishment through idiomatic figuration continued throughout the sixteenth century as a special technique of virtuoso soloists, the systematic exploitation of stereotyped graces led to diverse figuration patterns and a rich network of motives used in intabulations as well as variation sets in the second half of the century.

Works: Intabulations of O s'io potessi by Barberiis, Bianchini, Gintzler, and Vindella (56-62); Francesco da Milano: Intabulation of Las je me plains (72); Spinacino: Intabulation of Mon souvenir (74-75), Arrangement of La bernardina (78).

Sources: Arcadelt or Berchem: O s'io potessi, donna (56-62); Sermisy: Las je me plains (72); Ghizeghem: Mon souvenir (74-75); Josquin: La bernardina (78).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Due to the recovery of a few sixteenth-century compositional drafts, attention has recently been turned to the process of composition in the Renaissance. It appears, from these manuscripts, that students of composition were still being taught to compose one line at a time and learned their craft by imitating older masters, modeling new pieces directly on old ones. Emulation was not only pedagogical but may have also been used as a means of competition or of paying homage to other composers. Composers of chansons in the fifteenth century imitated one another in various ways. All of these kinds of emulation in composition seem to relate directly to the late medieval and Renaissance concept of imitation, known to Tinctoris and applied to music possibly as early as the late fourteenth or early fifteenth centuries. Presumably it was taught as well. Some theories concerning imitation in music, particularly those of Lewis Lockwood, are relevant to the topic. Before the advent of syntactic imitation, there were two principal methods of composition, which continued through the sixteenth century. The first consisted of the addition of new lines around a cantus firmus, the medieval contribution to polyphony. The second relied on the newer techniques of imitatio beginning in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries.

Works: Anonymous: En contemplant la beaulté de m'amye (2-6, 8, 15); Isaac: Helas que pourra devenir mon cueur (15-21, 25); Anonymous: On est bien malade par amer trop (21-25); Busnois or Caron: Cent mille escus quant je voldroie (25-29); Anonymous: La Martinella (32-34); Isaac: La Martinella (35-37).

Sources: Anonymous: Vivent vivent en payx tous loyaux pastoreaux (6-8); Caron: Helas que pourra devenir mon cueur (15-19), O vie fortunée (25-29); Busnois: On a grant mal par trop amer/On est bien malade (21-23); Martini: La Martinella (29-35).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Wendy Jeanne McHenry

Chansons rustiques existed in both monophonic and polyphonic versions. Few sixteenth-century chansons rustiques survive, although some of the popular monophonic tunes can be reconstructed from polyphonic chansons that incorporate the original. These preexisting tunes are most often found as a cantus firmus in the tenor of the new work, with or without new text added to the free voices; as two cantus firmi in canon surrounded by new material; as a cantus firmus in the superius; or paraphrased in multiple voices. Polyphonic chansons rustiques prior to 1500 show more contrast between the new and preexistent material, while those after 1500 integrate imitation more carefully. Composed works in this manner indicate that the division between popular and courtly style was beginning to dissolve.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Chansons spirituelles were spiritual songs encouraged and disseminated by the Calvinists for performance in the home. Except for one collection, all extant chansons spirituelles are in the form of text, meant to be set to well-known secular songs. The exception is a collection by Jacques Buus from 1550. Four of his pieces are based on preexisting works. In these chansons Buus's method of composition involves the reshaping of a tune by compression or fragmentation, which is then surrounded by new material. In an earlier secular chanson anthology (1543), Buus parodies eight models. Typically, he either quotes the existing material exactly and surrounds it with new material, or treats each voice as a model to be paraphrased, with one in particular dominating.

Works: Buus: A toy Seigneur (158), Chantons de cueur (158), Christ souffrit peine (157), Pour ung plaisir (157), Content desir (164), Vivre ne puis content (164), Ces fascheaux sotz (164), Doulce mémoire (164), Dieu vous gard (165).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies, Sergio Bezerra

Early sixteenth century collections of lute intabulations reveal that a lutenist’s core repertoire came from vocal music, including sacred works such as mass movements and secular works such as frottole and madrigals. These arrangements suggest that lutenists often accompanied vocalists. Intabulations for lute and solo voice by Franciscus Bossinensis and Willaert bear idiomatic features of musical reworking, including ornamentation and alteration. When Bossinensis transcribed frottole by Cara and Tromboncino, he utilized conventional melodic formulas to ornament the tenor voice. Willaert adapted madrigals by Verdelot, making necessary alterations at the cadences so that the grammatical and musical accents in the now solo vocal line properly aligned. Both composers utilized musica ficta, though Willaert did so with less restraint.

Works: Adrian Willaert: Quanto sia liet’il giorno (29-31); Franciscus Bossinensis: Afflitti spirti miei (33), Non val aqua mio gran foco (36), Quella bella e biancha mano (37); Anonymous: Vale diva mia, vale in pace (38).

Sources: Philippe Verdelot: Quanto sia liet’il giorno (29-31); Tromboncino: Afflitti spirti miei (33), Non val aqua mio gran foco (36), Vale diva mia, vale in pace (38); Antonio Caprioli: Quella bella e biancha mano (37).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

[Has a list of all printed arrangements before 1600 with their sources.]

Index Classifications: 1500s

[Has extensive lists of related compositions.]

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Adrian Willaert's and Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina's settings of the Petrarch sonnet "Amor, Fortuna, et la mia mente schiva" demonstrate similarities in their openings as well as in the number of voices, choice of mode, and cleffing. While the normal assumption would be that the younger composer (Palestrina) is borrowing from the older one, Palestrina's madrigal came out in 1555, four years before the publication of Willaert's setting in his Musica nova. While it may be possible that Willaert was modeling his setting after Palestrina's or that Palestrina knew Willaert's madrigal prior to its formal publication in 1559, the directionality of this relationship cannot be determined with absolute certainty. What is more likely is a common influence on both composers from Arcadelt as a model. The arch-shaped opening phrase of both madrigals can be traced back to Arcadelt's musical style, as well as a concern for text setting and attention to both structural and thematic aspects of the poetry in the musical realization. The relationship between Palestrina's and Willaert's settings of the same Petrarch text may then be due to two salient aspects of the art of imitation: a contemporary influence on each other and a case of modeling on an older master.

Works: Willaert: Amor, fortuna, et la mia mente schiva (105-31); Palestrina: Amor, fortuna, et la mia mente schiva (105-31).

Sources: Willaert: Amor, fortuna, et la mia mente schiva (105-31); Palestrina: Amor, fortuna, et la mia mente schiva (105-31); Arcadelt: Del più leggiadro viso (119), Gli prieghi miei tutti gli port?il vento (119), Viva nel pensier vostro (119).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Johannes Martini was not the first to cultivate borrowing from two or more voices of a polyphonic model, but he was the first to do so fully and consistently in his work. Perkins's "Communication" (1987) strengthens Martini's ties to the rhetorical tradition of imitatio, thereby supporting the labeling of masses based on a polyphonic source as "imitation masses." Masses based on a polyphonic source form a distinctive genre, separate from cantus firmus masses based on a monophonic source. Although the term "parody mass" is insufficient for the sixteenth-century mass based on a polyphonic model, it may serve to distinguish between the experimental fifteenth-century type and the later, mature type.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Musicians use a broad spectrum of practices to make new music out of old: performance, including everything from making performing choices to improvising variants or added material; creating a new version of a piece by arranging it, transcribing it for different media or setting it with a new accompaniment; borrowing material from one or more existing pieces to use in a new one; building a new piece out of schemas, shared routines that can be deployed in endless new combinations; using topics, references to familiar styles and types of music, to delineate form and create meaning through association; and other forms of intertextuality, which encompasses these and other kinds of relationships between and among pieces of music. Borrowing has been a subject of musical scholarship for centuries, and in the past four decades scholars have developed parallel fields of study focused on the others. Each of these approaches is useful, drawing our attention to significant and longstanding practices in our musical tradition and to ways creators shape music and listeners understand it. Moreover, all of these scholarly approaches and musical practices are related, serving to demonstrate how central to our tradition are our many ways of making old music new.

Works: Franz Liszt: William Tell Overture, S. 552 (72); Bob Rivers: Not So Silent Night (72-73, 78); Stravinsky: Pulcinella (73), The Fairy’s Kiss (73); Josquin Desprez: Missa Pange lingua (74); Charles Ives: Symphony No. 2 (74, 78)

Sources: Rossini: William Tell Overture (72); Franz Xaver Gruber (composer), John Freeman Young (English lyricist): Silent Night (72-73, 78); Henry Clay Work: Wake Nicodemus (74); David Walker (composer), Anonymous (lyricist): Where, O Where are the Verdant Freshmen? (78)

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1900s, Popular

Contributed by: J. Peter Burkholder, Matthew Van Vleet

Studies of allusion, modeling, paraphrase, quotation, and other forms of musical borrowing hinge on the claim that the composer of one piece of music has used material or ideas from another. What evidence can be presented to support or refute this claim? How can we know that the material is borrowed from this particular piece and not from another source? How can we be sure that a similarity results from borrowing and is not a coincidence or the result of drawing on a shared fund of musical ideas? These questions can be addressed using a typology of evidence organized into three principal categories: analytical evidence gleaned from examining the pieces themselves, including extent of similarity, exactness of match, number of shared elements, and distinctiveness; biographical and historical evidence, including the composer’s knowledge of the alleged source, acknowledgment of the borrowing, sketches, compositional process, and typical practice; and evidence regarding the purpose of the borrowing, including structural or thematic functions, use as a model, extramusical associations, and humor. Ideally, an argument for borrowing should address all three categories. Exploring instances of borrowing or alleged borrowing by composers from Johannes Martini and Gombert through Mozart, Brahms, Debussy, Ives, Stravinsky, and Berg illustrates these types of evidence. The typology makes it possible to evaluate claims and test evidence for borrowing by considering alternative explanations, including the relative probability of coincidence. A particularly illuminating case is the famous resemblance between the opening themes of Mozart’s Bastien und Bastienne and Beethoven’s Eroica Symphony, discussed by hundreds of writers for more than 150 years. Bringing together all the types of evidence writers have offered for and against borrowing shows why the debate has proven so enduring and how it can be resolved.

Works: Berlioz: Symphonie fantastique (227, 241); Liszt: Totentanz (227); Camille Saint-Saëns: Danse macabre (228); Rachmaninoff: Rhapsody on a Theme of Paganini (228), Symphonic Dances (228); Luigi Dallapiccola: Canti di Prigionia (228); Alban Berg: Lyric Suite (229-30, 233), Warm die Lüfte (237-41); Claude Debussy: Golliwogg’s Cakewalk, from Children’s Corner (229-31, 233-34), Pour la danseuse aux crotales, from Six epigraphes antiques (237-41); Nicolas Gombert: Ave regina celorum (231-33); Mozart: Requiem in D Minor, K. 626 (235-36); Brahms: Symphony No. 4 in E Minor, Op. 98 (237); Ives: Symphony No. 1 in D Minor (235), Violin Sonata No. 4 (242-43); Stravinsky: The Rite of Spring (244-46); Beethoven: Symphony No. 3 in E-flat Major, Op. 55, Eroica (250-65)

Sources: Attributed to Thomas of Celano: Dies irae (227-28, 241); Wagner: Tristan und Isolde (229-31, 233-34); Poissy Antiphonal: Ave regina celorum (231-33); Dvořák: Symphony No. 9 in E Minor, Op. 95, From the New World (235); Bach: Chaconne, from Partita No. 2 in D Minor for Solo Violin, BWV 1004 (237); Ravel: Gaspard de la nuit (237-41); William Howard Doane: Old, Old Story (242-43); Mozart: Bastien und Bastienne (250-65)

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: J. Peter Burkholder, Matthew Van Vleet

The tradition surrounding the L’homme armé tune is an example of musical imitatio. There is little consensus in musicological literature over a precise description of the relationship between musical borrowing and imitatio, a literary concept with roots in rhetoric. Opinions on the matter are so varied that some, Honey Meconi and Rob Wegman in particular, find little value in the term. Nevertheless Meconi’s and Wegman’s conclusions are drawn from an overly constricted conception of what was a widely varied, complex, and hotly debated concept in the Renaissance. There were, in fact, three general types of imitatio that Renaissance literary theorists discussed: non-transformative, transformative, and dissimulative. The last of these three included an element of competition between a work at its model, through which a writer attempted to surpass his or her predecessors to achieve fame and glory. A discussion of competition of this type, though never by the name imitatio, is present in writings about music, particularly dealing with the L’homme armé tradition. Many composers use the tune as a cantus firmus in mass movements, and with it each seems to demonstrate their technical skill through mensural manipulations, extravagant transpositions, or the canonic treatment of the tune. Josquin’s two masses, the first of this tradition to be published by Petrucci in 1502, seem to consciously compete with settings of this tune by earlier composers, and composers that came later seem to consciously compete with Josquin’s settings. The goal of this competitive relationship between these composers coincides with the goal associated with eristic imitatio in the Renaissance and thus may be comprehended as musical imitatio.

Works: Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (269-77), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (269, 277-81); La Rue: Missa L’homme armé (281-82); Obrecht: Missa L’homme armé (268-69); Forestier: Missa L’homme armé (282-83); Morales: Missa L’homme armé (284-85); Palestrina: Missa L’homme armé (284-86).

Sources: Anonymous: L’homme armé (262-63); Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (281-83, 285-86 ), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (284-85); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (263-70); Busnoys: Il sera pour vous conbatu/L’homme armé (263), Missa L’homme armé (263-69); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (263-69); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (263-69); De Orto: Missa L’homme armé (285-86).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Before the Elizabethan Act of Uniformity of 1559, there was an active school of liturgical organ polyphony in England. These compositions were intended to replace the singing of a choir or soloist for the portion of the chant that was set. After the Reformation, composers continued to employ plainsong from the Sarum rite, but not with any liturgical intent. The practice of setting plainsong in this way is uniquely English. The many settings of In nomine and Gloria tibi Trinitas are examples of this practice. Two tables list all known keyboard plainsong settings, both before and after 1559 (i.e., both for liturgical and non-liturgical use).

Works: Anonymous: Kyrie (137-38); William Byrd: Three polyphonic keyboard settings of Clarifica me Pater (142-44), Polyphonic keyboard setting of Miserere mihi, Domine (148-49).

Sources: Guillaume Dufay [attrib.]: Portugaler (137-38); Basse danse: La portingaloise (138); Chant: Clarifica me Pater (142-44), Miserere mihi, Domine (148-49).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Provides new sources, entries, and annotations.

Works: Thomas Tallis: Fantasy (216); Guillaume Dufay [attrib.]: Portugaler (216-17).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

The long-standing appeal of the Fulget dies refrain in twelfth- and thirteenth-century hymns, through the Counter-Reformation, and into nineteenth-century Catholic hymnals is linked to its association with liturgical time and relationship with multiple feasts, seasons, offices, and chants. The Fulget dies refrain originated sometime in the twelfth century within a family of contrafact tropes on Benedicamus Domino, each related to a different feast. By 1220, the refrain was found in hymns as well, as illustrated by its appearance in at least five hymns found in the Worcester Antiphonal. By 1300, the refrain had made its way to Hungary, Spain, Norman Sicily, France, and England. While Fulget dies appears in a variety of musical and liturgical contexts, it generally functions as a marker of festivity. Even after many office and mass tropes fell out of favor, Fulget dies lived on as a refrain in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hymnals. The Feast of Corpus Christi hymn O salutaris hostia and the Marian hymn Matrem per integerrimam illustrate its continued association with important feasts and the ways in which the text and melody of Fulget dies gradually changed over time. In sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the refrain was transmitted only in ordinals which did not contain notated music, just text. Here, Fulget dies became primarily associated with the Christmas season. Two sources, the thirteenth-century Worcester Antiphonal and a sixteenth-century Hungarian ordinal, document the erasure of the Fulget dies refrain from hymn transmission. Through the sixteenth century, Fulget dies had a degree of stability attached to three Christmas hymns, most often to Fit porta Christi pervia, with both the text and music demonstrating a high degree of similarity. Accounting for its longevity as a refrain, the text of Fulget dies (the day shines forth . . . this day shines forth) exhibits both poetic brevity and flexibility to engage with any number of theological cycles from daily rituals to the cycles of seasons.

Works: Anonymous: Iam lucis orto sidere (91-97, 114-16, 120-23, 138, 141-42), A solis ortus cardine (107-11, 120, 126-27, 133-25, 142), Nunc sancta nobis spiritus (107-11), O salutaris hostia (117-20, 125), Matrem per integerrimam (117-20), Ordinarius Stringoniensis (122), Deus tuorum militum (125-26), Enixa est puerpera (126-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (126-32), Venez vos gens chantez Noé (132); Willaert: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32, 142-43); Orlando di Lasso: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32)

Sources: Anonymous: Fulget dies from tropes on Benedicamus Domino (91-144), A solis ortus cardine (126)

Index Classifications: Monophony to 1300, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

By the end of the fifteenth century, composers using pre-existing material frequently treated that material as a point of departure rather than as a source on which to base an entire piece. This trend is evident in the group of compositions based on the chanson Allez regrets by Hayne van Ghizeghem. The three known intabulations based on this chanson all carefully follow the model with little structural deviation, although there is a great deal of elaboration in the borrowed melodic material. In the five chansons based on Allez regrets, each begins with a literal quotation from the superius and tenor of the model. Throughout the remainder of the new pieces, one voice is borrowed from the original and the others are freely composed, resulting in a greater amount of experimentation with the existing material than was found in the intabulations. Five known masses are based on Allez regrets, and employ a variety of techniques in using the borrowed material, including quotation, paraphrase, cantus firmus, and use of melodic material as points of imitation. These varying usages result in a wide range of resemblance to the model, and point to the potential of Allez regrets for use in many compositional contexts.

Works: Capirola: A les regres (165-68); Gerle: Ales regres (165-68); Kleber: Ales regres (165-68); Agricola: Allez regrets (169); Anonymous: Allez regrets (169); Organi: Allez regrets (170); Senfl: Allez regrets (170); Compère: Venes regretz (170-71), Missa Allez regrets (172-73); Bruhier: Missa Carminum (172); Anonymous: Missa Allez regrets (172); Prioris: Missa Allez regrets (172); Josquin: Missa Allez regrets (173-74); Scompianus: Missa Allez regrets (175).

Sources: Ghizeghem: Allez regrets.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Two works titled L'alouette: Or sus vous dormez trop, an anonymous three-part chanson printed by Antico in 1520 and a four-part chanson by Janequin printed by Attaingnant in 1528, share the same text and much musical material. The three-part piece, circulated widely in the early sixteenth century, must have been known to Janequin. Janequin's four-part version has voice crossing problems between the contratenor and superius. It itself may have existed previously as a three-part work, later to be rewritten in haste for Attaingnant's publication. Included in the contratenor of Janequin's four-part work is a quotation of his own Le chant des oyseaux. Through their use of bird-song these pieces bring elements of the popular chanson rustique into the courtly program chanson.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

A comparison of several intabulations of Josquin's Mille regretz explains why Narváez's version is still the best known. Josquin's chanson is particularly apt for instrumental performance because of its points of imitation, use of themes and sequences, and rich contrast of textures. Several intabulations for lute show the wide range of styles from bland to highly ornamented versions. The frequent use of running sixteenth or thirty-second notes in the intabulations by Gerle and Neusidler, for example, show their intent to stimulate rather than satisfy the listener. Other intabulations were written for a more practical or theoretical purpose. For example, the intabulations found in MS 266 and MS 272 from the Bavarian State Library in Munich follow the vocal model more closely and show a greater sensitivity to the original texture. Narváez's intabulation of the chanson remains the finest because of several strong characteristics: a greater harmonic interest, rhythmically independent lines, and a textural complexity. His intabulation also uses motives that are repeated until they become an integral part of the original music. Narváez's creative exploration of harmony, rhythm, texture and motives shows his superior skills as an intabulator.

Works: Intabulations of Mille regretz by Gerle, Neusidler, Narváez, Phalèse, Intabulations of Mille regretz from MS 266 and MS 277, Bavarian State Library, Munich (32-52).

Sources: Josquin: Mille regretz (20-22).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

In Thomas Weelkes's first madrigal book, Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6 Voyces (London, 1597), the five- and six-voice works borrow both text and music from Salamone Rossi's Primo libro delle canzonette a tre voci of 1589. Numbers 13 through 18 of Weelkes's madrigal book clearly borrow from numbers 7, 6, 2, 11, 15, and 19 of Rossi's book respectively. From Rossi, Weelkes primarily borrows thematic points, melodic contours, rhythms, and textures for use in his own compositions. For example, in Weelkes's No. 16, Lady, our spotless feature, the homophonic texture and chanson-like rhythm of Rossi's No. 11, Donna, il vostro bel viso, are clearly present in the work's opening. These borrowings show a progression of maturity on the part of the English composer. Numbers 16 and 13 demonstrate a dependence on the model and unimaginative solutions, while numbers 15 and 17 reset the derived ideas more convincingly, and numbers 14 and 18 clearly show that Weelkes has not only fully mastered the borrowed material but also surpassed his model. Moreover, his later Italian version of Donna, il vostro bel viso in his Ayeres or Phantasticke Spirites for Three Voices of 1608 shows a dependency on his own English version of the text from 1597 rather than a direct relationship with Rossi's original. Weelkes's reuse of Rossi's canzonette demonstrates a progressive compositional maturity in his manipulation of borrowed material, culminating in a reworking of his earlier attempts at modeling.

Works: Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6. Voyces (110-17), Lady, your spotless feature (111), Your beauty it allureth (111), Those sweet delightful lilies (112), If thy deceitful looks (113), What haste, fair lady (113), Ayeres or Phantasticke Spirites for Three Voices (115-17), Donna, il vostro bel viso (115), I bei ligustri e rose (115).

Sources: Salamone Rossi: Primo libro delle canzonette a tre voci (110-17), Donna, il vostro bel viso (111); Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. &6. Voyces (115-17)), Lady, your spotless feature (115).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Randal Tucker, Elizabeth Elmi

The intabulations of Giovanni Antonio Terzi show how ornate intabulations do not necessarily aim to obscure structural elements of their models. Even when instrumental music was gaining automony in the early to mid-sixteenth century, lutenists continued to pay homage to vocal models by reflecting vocal practice in their intabulations. There is a significant correlation between specific words and phrases of the model and the ornamentation used in Terzi's intabulation. Terzi pays homage to the model by ornamenting structurally, that is, by placing ornaments consistently upon a recurring feature of the model or using the same embellishment at points of imitation. In his intabulations, Terzi does not only borrow motivic elements from the model for the ornamentation, he also develops new figuration independent of the model. While the development of figuration, the introduction of new motives and the paraphrasing of melodies obscures some elements of the model, Terzi highlights the structural elements of the model by leaving heads of phrases unembellished, by using consistent figuration at points of imitation, and by drawing attention to the textual rhyme through his placement of ornaments. Hence, Terzi shows respect to the model both through the elaboration and the preservation of structural elements of the model.

Works: Terzi: Intabulations of Non mi toglia il ben mio (179), O bella ninfa mia (184), Quando fra bianche perle (184), Caro dolce ben mio (185), Leggiadre ninfe (186), Quando i vostri begli occhi (189), S'ogni mio ben 'havete (191), La Diodatina (192-93), Liquide perle (195).

Sources: Rore: Non mi toglia il ben mio (179); Palestrina: O bella ninfa mia (184); Nanino: Quando fra bianche perle (184); Gabrieli: Caro dolce ben mio (184); Marenzio: Leggiadre ninfe (186), Quando i vostri begli occhi (189), Liquide perle (195); Striggio: S'ogni mio ben 'havete (191); Guami: La Diodatina (192).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Fortuna desperata, one of the most popular chansons of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, survives in more than thirty sources and in thirty-one distinct settings. Although it has been attributed to Busnois, its strophic form and Italian text separate it from most of Busnois's other chansons, making this attribution doubtful. Of the twenty-four surviving cantus firmus settings of the chanson, two rather unusual practices occur with some frequency. The tenor is transposed from its original Lydian mode to Phrygian in five pieces, and the borrowed material from the chanson is combined with another pre-existent melody and/or text in thirteen pieces. Both of these practices may be explained by the application of symbolism related to the goddess Fortuna. Although Lydian is the mode most frequently associated with Fortuna, the transposition of the mode may reflect the image of Fortuna turning her wheel. In the pieces in which the Fortuna cantus firmus is combined with pre-existing material, there are strong correlations between the myth of Fortuna and the added (or implied) texts, and these added texts give further meaning to the new work. These new meanings, as well as the overall popularity of Fortuna desperata, provide examples of trends in late fifteenth-century humanist thought.

Works: Josquin: Fortuna d'un gran tempo (8); Martini: Fortuna desperata (9); Greiter: Passibus ambiguis (9, 13, 14, 17); Senfl: Fortuna ad voices musicales (9, 13, 17-18); Anonymous: Consideres mes incessantes (13, 15); Breitengraser: Fortuna desperata (13); Senfl: Nasci, pati, mori (15), Ich steund an einem morgen (15), Es taget vor dem Walde (15); Isaac: Bruder Conrat (15); Jachet: Ave mater (16); Senfl: Virgo prudentissima (16), Herr durch dein Blut (17); Isaac: Sancte Petre ora pro nobis (17); Anonymous: Zilbadone (17).

Sources: Busnois(?):Fortuna desperata (7-8).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Two motets composed by Heinrich Isaac around 1500—Inviolata integra et casta es Maria and Alma redemptoris mater—exemplify compositional techniques used by Isaac and his contemporaries to combine newer styles of imitative polyphony with the older cantus firmus practice. Between the two motets, three approaches to the cantus firmus are demonstrated: canonic cantus firmus, long-note cantus firmus, and chant paraphrase. The structure of Inviolata is based on modules comprising the canonic cantus firmus and other repeated melodies. The cantus firmus is a light paraphrase of the original sequence. The strict, regular module structure allows for the recreation of the missing contratenor 2 part with very little free counterpoint. Isaac also uses a module structure for Alma redemptoris mater, the cantus firmus of which alternates between paraphrase and long-note treatment. In this case, most modules come in the form of chunks of four-voice music repeated exactly, repeated and transposed, or cadential formulas. Non-imitative modules of paired voices are also used. In addition to these modules, Isaac uses non-modular compositional techniques such as stretto fuga. Beyond these small-scale compositional devices, both motets exhibit large-scale formal structures through repetition. By extrapolating Isaac’s possible compositional process from the modular construction of these two motets, it can be concluded that his process of composing with a cantus firmus is very similar to his composing without a cantus firmus.

Works: Heinrich Isaac: Inviolata integra casta es Maria (235-46), Alma redemptoris mater (246-63).

Sources: Anonymous: Inviolata integra casta es Maria (235-46), Alma redemptoris mater (246-63).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s

Nicolas de la Grotte, a relatively unknown 16th-century court composer who was nonetheless held in high esteem by the society of his day, employed the technique of parody in his songs for five and six voices. Of his 21 songs included in Le mélange de chansons (1572), 17 are completely based on borrowed material. The majority of the parodies consist of a complete borrowed superius, with the lower parts rewritten, thus classifiable as employing cantus firmus technique. Distinctive alterations that La Grotte utilizes include (1) addition of a coda; (2) augmented note-values (used for expressive, text-painting purposes); and (3) textural enrichment (via syncopations).

Works: Nicolas de la Grotte: Avecques vous (176, 178-82), A ce matin (176, 180-83), Las voulez vous (176, 178-83), Sur tous regretz (176, 180-82, 186), Force d'amour (176, 183-86), Le coeur de vous (176, 183-84), Grace et vertu (176, 186), N'auray je jamais mieulx (176, 186-87), J'ay contenté (176, 187-88), Susane un jour (176, 188-89), Vivés en paix (176, 198-90), Dieu te gard (176, 190-92), Tout est vert (176, 190-92), Puisque j'ay belle amye (176, 190-92), Tout ce qu'on peut (176, 192-94), Je m'en vois (176, 192-96).

Sources: Lassus: Avecques vous (176, 178-82), A ce matin (176, 180-83), Las voulez vous (176, 178-83); Richafort: Sur tous regretz (176, 180-82, 186); Villiers: Force d'amour (176, 183-86); Sermisy: Le coeur de vous (176, 183-84), N'auray je jamais mieulx (176, 186-87), J'ay contenté (176, 187-88); Roquelay: Grace et vertu (176, 186); Didier Lupi Second: Susane un jour (176, 188-89; Anonymous: Vivés en paix (176, 198-90), Tout est vert (176, 190-92), Puisque j'ay belle amye (176, 190-92), Je m'en vois (176, 192-96); Doussera: Dieu te gard (176, 190-92); Rore: Tout ce qu'on peut (176, 192-94).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Although one might expect contrafacta to be a prevalent type in the early liturgy of the Anglican church, there are surprisingly few anthems that can be identified as adaptations of motets, secular pieces, or instrumental works. Of the known contrafacta, most can be dated to the seventeenth century. In light of this lack of contrafacta during the formative years of the Anglican church, one can conclude that the earliest examples have not survived, that there was not a great demand for choral music, or that some anthems are in fact contrafacta for which their earlier forms have not been identified. It appears that the majority of adaptations were made in the seventeenth century, most of which were contrafacta of compositions by recognized masters. This further suggests that the intrinsic merit of the music was the greater motivation for substituting English for Latin, rather than fulfilling a utilitarian purpose during the formation of the Anglican liturgy.

Works: Thomas Causton: In trouble and adversity (101), O give thanks unto the Lord (101); Anonymous: Wipe away my sins (102), Blessed be thy name (102), I call and cry (102), Discumfit them (102), Bow down thine ear (103), O sacred and holy blanket (103), Arise, O lord (103), Behold now, praise the Lord (103), Let not our prayers (103), Let us arise from sin (103), O Lord deliver me (103), Praise the Lord O my soul (104), Behold I bring you glad tidings (104), And there was with the angel (104), Lift up your heads (104), O Lord, give ear to the prayer (104), Let not thy wrath (104), Out of the deep (104), Arise, O lord (104), Forgive me Lord (104); Robert Johnson: Benedicam Domino . . . O Lord with all my heart (102).

Sources: Taverner: "In nomine" from Missa Gloria Tibi Trinitas (101); Tallis: Absterge Domine (Wipe away my sins) (102, 104), Fond youth is a bubble (103), Salvator mundi (103-4), O sacrum convivium (103); Morley: Nolo mortem peccatoris . . . Father, I am thine only Son (102), De profundis (104); Weelkes: Gloria in excelsis . . . Sing my soul (102); Thomas Ford: Miserere, my maker (102); Peter Philips: Cantai mentre (103); Byrd: Exsurge, Domine (103), Now enim pro peccatis (103), Attolite portas (103-4), Memento, homo (104), Ne irascaris (104); Robert White: Manus tuae (103), Domine non est exaltatum (103).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Questions relating to the attribution of two textless polyphonic works, found in several early sixteenth-century manuscripts, may be solved by studying the musical and textual borrowings in the compositions. These works, titled Si dormiero and Sancta Maria Virgo and commonly attributed to Pierre de la Rue, are often found with other instrumental intabulations whose titles begin with the word Si. The musical borrowings among this group of pieces include the Compline Respond verse Si dedero, opening melodic motives, and similar points of imitation. Whereas Josquin's In pace uses the first two phrases of the Si dedero chant, Obrecht's Si sumpsero starts the chant where Josquin leaves off, suggesting that these two motets were composed in response to one another. Si dormiero borrows motives from Josquin's In pace and Agricola's Si dedero. The works are also linked through sacred and secular textual relations.

Works: Alexander Agricola: Si dedero (2-8); Josquin des Prez: In pace (2-8); Pierre de la Rue: Si dormiero (2-8), Sancta Maria Virgo (2, 6-8); Jacob Obrecht: Si sumpsero (5-8).

Sources: Alexander Agricola: Si dedero (2-8); Josquin des Prez: In pace (2-8); Compline Respond verse: Si dedero (3-6).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

The many versions of Pierre Sandrin's "Doulce mémoire" reveal the concept of competitive setting amongst Renaissance composers. First published ca. 1537-8, Sandrin's piece spawned many textual and musical parodies. The textual parodies include: a "response" by Certon which draws heavily on the text and rhyme scheme of the original; numerous contrafacta, especially for spiritual purposes; and references in the French theatre. There are at least ten musical parodies: two- and three-part versions, likely meant for pedagogical purposes, as well as four- and six-part settings. Its material is used in Mass and Magnificat settings by Clemens non Papa, Cipriano da Rore, and Orlando de Lassus. Lastly, "Doulce mémoire" was turned into many instrumental intabulations and divisions.

Works: Francesco de Layolle: Doulce mémoire (93-4); Pierre de Manchicourt: Doulce mémoire (94); Antoine Gardane: Doulce mémoire (95); Josquin Baston: Doulce mémoire (95); Anonymous: Doulce mémoire (95); Buus: Doulce mémoire (95-6); Clemens non Papa: Magnificat primi toni; Cipriano da Rore: Mass on Doulce mémoire; Lassus: Missa ad imitationem moduli Doulce mémoire.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Although Lassus was familiar with the chansons of his immediate predecessors, he was not much influenced by their musical settings. Lassus' earlier pieces made a large impact on certain composers of the younger generation, but his later works, while showing greater literary sensitivity, were not generally adopted as models. An annotated listing of all of Lassus' 147 surviving chanson settings is provided, with commentary on each.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The compositions of Josquin des Prez remained influential in the musical world long after his death. In Palestrina's time, Josquin's works were used as material for parody compositions, and his works were an integral part of the musical repertoire of Italian churches in the 16th century, as evidenced in the motet Dum vastos Adriae fluctus by Jachet di Mantova. This motet, which is primarily in the style of mid-16th-century Netherland or French composers, contains material from some of Josquin's best-known motets: Praeter seriem rerum, Stabat mater, Inviolata (et integra), Salve regina, and Miserere mei. There are no borrowings of full polyphonic sections, but merely allusions to characteristic features of the original motets, namely a motive or rhythmic pattern. Jachet then weaves these musical ideas into his motet in a free, imitative fashion.

Works: Jachet di Mantova: Dum vastos Adriae fluctus.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Paula Ring Zerkle

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The Italian madrigal developed during the sixteenth century as generations of composers contributed layers of innovation, beginning with its earliest manifestation as the frottola and culminating in its final form, the madrigale concertato. Composers utilized various methods of musical borrowing and reworking, including crafting arrangements, creating intabulations, parodying pre-existing works (sometimes for comedic purposes), modeling upon other compositions and styles, and quoting from other pieces. Musicians converted the madrigal into a piece for solo voice with accompaniment, such as Francesco Bossinensis’s arrangements for voice and lute. Similarly, intabulations were adaptations of madrigals for solo keyboard or lute. Most parodies were crafted for humorous reasons, such as Antonfrancesco Doni’s Il bianco e dolce cigno, which incorporated into its parody of Arcadelt’s madrigal by the same name a hundred segments of melody from madrigals by numerous composers, including Arcadelt, Verdelot, and Festa. Certain composers, such as Gesualdo and Monteverdi, modeled compositions upon the works or the style of their predecessors and peers, and their compositions, in turn, served as models for others. Quotations connected new compositions to previous ones for several reasons: (1) honoring the original composer, (2) establishing a rivalry, or (3) preserving street, folk, and popular songs within the newly-composed madrigal. Musical borrowing and reworking, then, unified the developing madrigal art form as it matured in the hands of many diverse composers.

Works: Anonymous: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in MS. Magl. XIX, 164-167 (National Library in Florence), No. XXXVI (106); Francesco Bossinensis: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in Tenori e contrabassi (106), Tenori e contrabassi intabulati col sopran in canto figurato per cantar e sonar col lauto, Libro primo and Libro secundo (106-7, 128); Willaert: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Andrea Gabrieli: Anchor che col partire (374); Cambio Perissone: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92); Jacopo da Nola: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Giovanni Francesco Capuano: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Marenzio: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (592), Dolorosi martir, fieri tormenti (615), La rete fu di queste fila d’oro (643), Due rose fresche (643-44), Basciami, mille volte (644); Giovanni Ferretti: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare (595-96); Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck: Liquide perle Amor (614-15); Benedetto Pallavicino: Liquide perle Amor in Quinto libro a cinque (615); Antonio Barrè, “aria” of Bradamante from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Ghiselino Danckerts: heroine’s oath of fidelity from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Giordano Passetto: Audi bone persone in Villotta alla padoana con quatro parte (750); Girolamo Belli d’Argenta: I furti (754-56); Monteverdi: Cruda Amarilli (852).

Sources: Tromboncino: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore (105); Verdelot: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Domenico Ferrabosco: Baciami vita mia in De diversi autori il quarto libro de madrigali a 4 voci a note bianche (311); Cipriano de Rore: Anchor che col partire (374); Adrian Willaert: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Anonymous: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92, 643); Anonymous: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare in Quattro libri delle Villotte (595-96); Marenzio: Liquide perle Amor (614-15), Cruda Amarilli (852); Marc’Antonio Ingegneri: Dolorosi martir fieri tormenti in Il terzo libro de madrigali . . . con due canzoni francese (615); Andrea Gabrieli: Due rose fresche (643-44); Anonymous, folk arias to Ariosto’s verses from Orlando furioso (645); Stefano Rossetto: Il lamento di Olimpia (645); Anonymous: Voltate in qua e do bella Rosina, Damene un poco de quella fugacina (750); Anonymous [Guglielmo Gonzaga]: Villotte mantovane (753); Benedetto Pallavicino: Cruda Amarilli (853).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Gregorian chant was a rich source of inspiration for Josquin. About half of his motets (ca. 50 pieces) incorporate traditional Gregorian melodies. The chants used most often are antiphons and sequences. Eighteen different antiphons can be found in Josquin's antiphon motets, including the four great Marian antiphons, of which he uses Ave Maria three times and the others each twice. He incorporates nine sequences wholly or in part, using two of them twice, Inviolata and Victimae paschali laudes. The motets may be classed in six groups: groups I and II comprise motets in which the chant is clearly recognizable because its text differs from that of the motet and because it is treated as a cantus firmus in long note values (sometimes treated canonically as well); groups III through V comprise motets in which the text in all voices is that of the chant, whether it is treated canonically, as a migrant cantus firmus, or as a paraphrase; and group VI consists of fifteen motets which do not fit into any of the preceding groups.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mirna Polzovic

The musical funeral lament is a genre that is prone to the use of musical symbolism. Musical signs can take one of three forms. They can be icons, musical objects that have a close relationship with their meaning (such as word painting); indices, musical objects that are more removed from their meaning; or symbols, musical objects that must be decoded to comprehend. The most common type of musical index in funeral dirges is a quotation from another musical source. Most of these works draw on the Mass for the Dead through the use of various chants, like Requiem aeternam or Dies irae. Often composers transposed these chant segments into the Phrygian mode so as to reflect the character of the work. In so doing, composers reveal that these works are not only laments for the deceased but also prayers on their behalf. In addition, some composers borrow from non-chant sources in a gesture of homage. Josquin’s Absolve, quaesumus Domine, for example, borrows from Obrecht’s Missa Fortuna desperata and was perhaps composed to honor Obrecht at his death.

Works: Josquin: Absolve, quaesumus Domine (39), Nymphes des bois (39); Gombert: Musae Jovis (39); Obrecht: Mille quingentis (40); Isaac: Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (40-41).

Sources: Obrecht: Missa Fortuna desperata (39, 43); Ockeghem: Missa Cuiusvis toni (39); Josquin: Domine, exaudi orationem meam (39); Anonymous: Requiem aeternam (40); Anonymous: Dies irae (40); Anonymous: Salva nos, Domine (40).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Index Classifications: 1500s

An evolutionary view of the development of the imitation mass should be revised in favor of an approach that accounts for particular techniques a composer used and how his incorporation of new and borrowed material contributed to his own style. In the mid-sixteenth-century chanson masses of Nicolas Gombert, Clemens non Papa, Thomas Crecquillon, and Pierre de Manchicourt, compositional techniques such as cantus firmus, ostinato, and paraphrase methods were not novel in themselves but were interwoven in ways that transformed older conventions. Instead of controlling the entire structure through one particular approach, composers used cantus firmus and paraphrase technique as short-term procedures within the imitation mass. The following techniques are representative of compositional borrowing within chanson masses of the period: cantus firmus, ostinato and derived techniques, motivic rescaffolding, partial scaffolding, block structuring, block restructuring, block manipulation, block interpolation, and varied block reiteration. Of these techniques, cantus firmus, block interpolation, partial scaffolding, and varied block reiteration provide new insights into the compositional procedure. With cantus firmus technique, composers such as Gombert and Manchicourt integrated the borrowed material into the contrapuntal fabric and accommodated material written in any fashion from any style of model. Crecquillon utilized several structural methods for variety: (1) block interpolation, inserting sections of chanson material throughout the mass; (2) partial scaffolding, in which he fragmented a segment of the chanson, rearranged its parts, and wrote points of imitation around various components; and (3) varied block reiteration, rearranging blocks of chanson material without adding additional counterpoint. These examples illustrate the need for analysis based on compositional process, one that accounts for the difference in composer styles. A comparison of Palestrina's and Gombert's masses based on Je suis desheritée shows the stylistic preferences of both composers: Palestrina declaimed the text clearly and constructed a counter-theme equal in weight to the main borrowed theme; Gombert adhered more literally to the chanson and retained its original rhythms. This example suggests that the next stage in research on borrowing procedures may be to focus on the role of the text and how it determined stylistic decisions. Codifying diverse compositional techniques will help us understand how the same borrowed passages can be transformed and how a particular setting of a chanson is emblematic of a composer's style.

Works: Gombert: Missa Je suis desheritée (154-57, 171-76), Missa Sur tous regrets (154), Missa Fors seulement (153-54, 157-59); Crecquillon: Missa Doulce memoire (161-65), Missa Mort m'a privé (165-67), Missa D'amours me plains (165-70); Palestrina: Missa Je suis desheritée (171-76).

Sources: Pipelare: Fors seulement (154, 157-59); Cadéac: Je suis desheritée (154-57, 171-72); Févin: Fors seulement (154, 157); Richafort: Sur tous regrets (154); Sandrin: Doulce memoire (161-65); Crecquillon: Mort m'a privé (165-66); Pathie: D'amours me plains (165-70); Gombert: Missa Je suis desheritée (175-76).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The Josquin attribution and the proposed Richafort authorship of the Missa Quem dicunt homines are reexamined by means of a comparison of the formal features and imitative techniques of the imitation Masses of Josquin and Richafort with those of the Missa Quem dicunt homines. Aspects of the Elevation motet inserted within the Mass suggest Févin as yet another possibility. The examination reveals, however, that Josquin, Richafort, and Févin are not viable candidates for authorship. The Mass was probably composed before 1518 and was perhaps written by a member of the French court chapel of Louis XII, Anne de Bretagne, or Francis I.

Works: Attributed to Josquin: Missa Quem dicunt homines; Josquin: Missa D'ung aultre amer (90-91), Missa Malheur me bat (88, 90-91), Missa Fortuna desperate (90-91), Missa Mater Patris (90-91); Richafort: Missa O Genitrix (93-95), Missa Veni Sponsa Christi (93-95); Févin: Missa Parva (97-99), Missa Dictes moy toutes voz pensées (102), Missa Ave Maria (102), Missa Mente tota (102), Missa Sancta Trinitas (102).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Wendy Jeanne McHenry

The five-note theme from Josquin's 1502 Missa La sol fa re mi was borrowed by subsequent composers and used in vocal and instrumental compositions at least until 1626. Examples include vihuelist Diego Pisador's 1552 Fantasia del quarto tono sobre la sol fa re mi, lutenist Albert de Rippe's 1555 Fantasie XVII, Neapolitan composer Rocco Rodio's 1579 Quinta Ricercata, and Girolamo Frescobaldi's 1624 Capriccio sopra la, sol, fa, re, mi. The Bordeney Codex (ca. 1581), an anthology containing instrumental music from the middle of the sixteenth century, contains several anonymous ricercares, one of which uses the Josquin theme. Although the 1581 copy of the Codex does not name the composer of these ricercares, a previously unstudied nineteenth-century copy (Uppsala) attributes them to Neapolitan composer and lutenist Fabrizio Dentice. The case for attributing this ricercare to Dentice is strengthened by the fact that, although the piece is copied in score form (instead of lute tablature), it can be transcribed for lute without adjustment.

Works: Rippe: Fantasie XVII (42-43); Rodio: Quinta Ricercata (42-43); Dentice: Ricercare (37-40, 44-47).

Sources: Josquin: Missa La sol fa re mi (37, 40, 45).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Due to the lack of primary sources regarding Bartolomé de Escobedo, relatively little research has been published about him or his works. A close inspection of the Missa Philippus Rex Hispanie, however, leads one to believe that the composition was modeled after Josquin's Missa Hercules Dux Ferrarie. Escobedo may have come across the work in a Spanish manuscript or while serving as a member of the Papal Chapel. The most obvious connection between the Masses is the use of a soggetto cavato, which is a theme based on the vowels of the name of the addressee of the Mass. Escobedo also follows Josquin in that the soggetto is usually presented in the second tenor, points of imitation generally occur in ascending order, and Escobedo transposes the soggetto by the same intervals as Josquin. The formal divisions of each movement also mirror those of the Josquin Mass. Escobedo also employs an unusual mensurational trick in the Agnus Dei that is also found in Josquin's Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales.

Works: Bartolomé de Escobedo: Missa Philippus Rex Hispanie (50-62).

Sources: Josquin des Prez: Missa Hercules Dux Ferrarie (54-62), Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales (61).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Although the parody mass never attained the same importance in England as it did elsewhere in Europe, English composers of the early sixteenth century were aware of parody techniques. Three masses in the Peterhouse part-books, Missa O bone Jesu by Robert Fayrfax, Missa Salve intemerata by Thomas Tallis, and Missa Mater Christi by John Taverner, each borrow polyphonic material from a votive antiphon by the composer of the mass. The use of parody technique, rather than being motivated by liturgical considerations, may have been prompted by a desire to be free of the demands of specific liturgical connections. Contrary to their Continental colleagues, Tudor composers tended to transfer borrowed material more or less intact, making only those rhythmic alterations necessary for the declamation of another text. In Tavener's mass, however, the reworking is more extensive than has been thought. More than half of it is freshly composed, while only about a quarter of Tallis's mass is new material. Since Fayrfax, Taverner, and Tallis based these masses on models of their own composition, their choice of models was not motivated by the desire to pay homage to another composer. Taverner's influence, on the other hand, was manifested in works by composers who followed him, even as late as William Byrd, through the employment of compositional techniques that Taverner had used in his parody masses.

Works: Rasar: Missa Christe Jesu; Fayrfax: Missa O bone Jesu; Tallis: Missa salve intemerata,Strene Mass; Taverner: Missa Mater Christi, Western Wind Mass, Small Devotion Mass (or Sancte Wilhelme Mass), Meane Mass, Playnsong Mass; Tye: Western Wind Mass, Enge bone Mass, Meane Mass; Shepperd: Western Wind Mass, Frances Mass.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mirna Polzovic

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

As the sixteenth century progressed, imitation technique moved away from the restructuring of motivic complexes toward a manipulation of texture and sonority built increasingly on the bass part. Borrowed voices are freely manipulated, and may appear in different registers and order. Borrowing of multiple voices may be taken from well within, rather than at the beginning of, points of imitation, thus de-emphasizing the polyphonic origins of the borrowing. An increasing polarization is seen toward the outer voices. The concern of the composer shifts from the horizontal line to the vertical intervallic structure, with added emphasis on vocal orchestration and tonal contrast. This suggests an additional category of mass settings derived from polyphonic sources: "imitation masses emphasizing vertical structures, governed by a structural bass."

Works: Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Missa Tu es Petrus (12-16), Missa Laudate Dominum (16-18), Missa Ascendo ad Patrem (19-21); Phillipp de Monte: Missa La dolce vista (22-26); Orlando de Lassus: Missa Osculetur me osculo (26-30); Costanzo Porta: Missa Descendit angelus (30-31).

Sources: Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Tu es Petrus (12-16), Laudate Dominum (16-18), Ascendo ad Patrem (19-21); Phillipp de Monte: La dolce vista (22-26); Orlando de Lassus: Osculetur me osculo (26-30); Hilaire Penet: Descendit angelus (30-31).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

The practice of quoting a chant melody in passing within a larger work, known as chant citation, occurred within motets of the sixteenth century. Although it was not written in the vocal part, the text of the borrowed chant melody had a semantic relationship with the words being sung at that moment in the motet. Chant citation normally conveyed meaning to the professional singers and composers who had extensive training and knew the repertory well enough to identify the theme and remember its original text. In mid-sixteenth-century motets, chant citations typically exhibited the following characteristics: the citation was prominently displayed at the beginning of a composition or a new section; about nine consecutive notes of the chant were presented; the citation spanned one statement of a syntactically complete unit of the polyphonic text; if the borrowed melody was liturgical, it would have been sung regularly during the church year or was associated with important feasts; the borrowed melody circulated widely or in areas where the composer worked. A major criticism of reading melodic units as chant citations is the possibility that a reference may actually be coincidental to the contrapuntal procedure. If this is the case, then citations should be found throughout the literature as a ubiquitous part of the texture. In sampling and closely analyzing nineteen motet settings on the text Congratulamini mihi omnes, it is clear that only two by Willaert and one by Festa utilize a chant melody. Having now established that chant citations exist, it is possible to explicate possible meanings and relationships by comparing different citations of the well-known Marian antiphon Salve Regina that conveyed different meanings through different associations. In several settings the antiphon is used to invoke other "Salve" texts: in Willaert's Germinavit radix, the antiphon is connected with "Salvatorem" (the Savior) rather than "Salve" (Hail), and in still other settings, the Marian antiphon invokes the Virgin Mary as comforter and protectress. This example and others demonstrate that chant citations acquire meaning in relation to the words of the motet and allow composers an opportunity for textual expression.

Works: Verdelot: In te Domine speravi (180-84); Willaert: Verbum iniquum et dolosum (180-84), Confitebor tibi Domine (185), Congratulamini mihi . . . quia quem quarebam (191), Germinavit radix (199); Festa: Congratulamini mihi omnes (188-91); Morales: Andreas Christi famulus (199); Guerrero: Ave Virgo sanctissima (199); Palestrina: Missa Salve Regina (199); Gombert: Sancta Maria succure miseris (199-200); Layolle: Domine, exaudi orationem meam (200).

Sources: Hymn: Te Deum laudamus (180); Responsory: Judas Mercator pessimus (180); Tromboncino: Ostinato vo' seguire (185); Antiphon: Descendi, in hortum nucum (188), Ecce quam bonum (191-92), Salve Regina mater misericordia (194-201)

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Following Howard Mayer Brown (1982), one can draw increasingly fruitful connections between the rhetorical technique of imitatio prescribed by fifteenth-century rhetoriticians and the compositional borrowing procedures espoused by the composers of the time. Defining formal divisions using Zarlino's five types of cadences (Istitutione harmoniche 1558), the musicologist can then compare settings of the same text for indications of "structural modelling." Five types include (1) imitation of the existing opening; (2) imitation of the existing closing; (3) imitation of the existing contrapuntal elisions and connecting passages; (4) borrowing the number of breves for the setting of each textual section; and (5) borrowing the number of breves for the setting of each textual section, with systematic, proportional expansion or diminution. The concealed, and fairly tenuous, fashion in which these connections often reveal themselves raises the question of the purpose of the borrowing. One possible answer lies in the schooling of the sixteenth-century composer, which would have included Latin rhetoric (taught usingimitatio ), thereby making tbe technique of modeling a natural part of a composer's intellectual background. They would draw on this training as a compositional resource, in addition to wishing simply to pay homage to a respected master.

Works: Croce: O Sacrum Convivium; Gabrieli: O Sacrum Convivium; Lassus: O Sacrum Convivium; Luzzaschi: O Sacrum Convivium; Marenzio: O Sacrum Convivium; Merulo: O Sacrum Convivium; Pallavicino: O Sacrum Convivium; Porta: O Sacrum Convivium; Victoria: O Sacrum Convivium; Wert: O Sacrum Convivium; Vecchi: Quem Vidis Pastores; Victoria: Quem Vidis Pastores; Marenzio: Veni Sponsa Christi; Palestrina: Veni Sponsa Christi.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The 1570 revisions to the Missale Romanum as a result of the Council of Trent forced a complex process of updating the music in the Graduale Romanum to conform to the new liturgy. These musical changes were overseen at the local level, introducing an as-yet unrecognized textual and musical diversity within the newly regulated liturgy. On December 4, 1563, the Council of Trent ordered the creation of restored versions of several liturgical missals, and to execute this decree a papal monopoly was declared for certain printers. However, corresponding revisions to the plainchants in the antiphoner and gradual were not considered until 1577. The project to centralize musical practice was soon abandoned, leading to many different revisions of the Graduale Romanum published by different printers without papal oversight. Each edition of the revised Graduale took a slightly different approach to modifying existing chants to fit the new missals and five foundational sources demonstrate this variety: Leichtenstein 1580, Gardano 1591, Giunta 1596, Medici 1614/15, and Ciera 1621. For certain chants, editors of these sources cut different melodic segments and recreated cadences differently for newly excised repeated text. Added text was also set to different music in each edition. In a few cases, editors of the new Graduale editions revised chant melodies even when portions of the text were unchanged. These revisions were transmitted locally, leading to the creation of several branches of Graduale revisions clustered around the foundational publications. The true influence that the Council of Trent had on the chant repertoire was not a top-down revision of chant melodies but an invitation for many sources to edit the repertoire. Therefore, the scholarly convention of labeling graduals printed after 1587 as “Post-Tridentine” should be expanded to include the musical and textual diversity of this period of revision introduced in the early 1570s.

Works: Liechtenstein (publisher): Graduale Romanum (Venice, 1580) (342, 344-48, 350-52, 362-6); Angelo Gardano (publisher), Andrea Gabrieli, Ludovico Balbi, and Orazio Vecchi (editors): Graduale Romanum (Venice, 1591) (341-47, 348, 350-52, 355-60, 362-65); Giunta (publisher): Graduale Romanum (Venice, 1596) (342, 344-48, 350-55, 357-59); Medici (publisher), Felice Anerio, Francesco Soriano, et al. (editors): Graduale Romanum (Rome, 1614/15) (341-46, 348, 353-59, 365); Ciera (publisher): Graduale Romanum (Venice, 1621) (344, 353-59)

Sources: Giunta (publisher): Graduale Romanum (Venice, 1499/1500): Iubilate deo omnis terra (340-43), Iubilate deo universa terra (340, 343-49), Dextera domini (349-53), Iustitiae domini (353-60), Insurrexerunt in me (360-65)

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: General, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Three battle Masses, Janequin's Missa La Bataille, Guerrero's Missa De la batalla escoutez, and Victoria's Missa pro Victoria, are based on Janequin's chanson La Bataille escoutez or La Guerre, and motives from or references to the model are shown to appear throughout the movements of all three. Transcriptions of the Masses by Janequin and Guerrero appear in the appendix.

Works: Janequin: Missa La Bataille (48-131, 251-94); Guerrero: Missa De la batalla escoutez (132-96, 295-348); Victoria: Missa pro Victoria (197-241).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Alfredo Colman

Mikoła Gomółkas’s Melodie na psałterz polski, his only surviving work, contains 152 short psalm settings which actively reflect the composer’s interest in Calvinist theology and humanistic philosophy. The settings can be divided into four categories. The first type of settings resembles Protestant chorales, with syllabic melodies and note-against-note accompaniment. The second type was influenced by the secular madrigal and chanson and features free polyphony. The psalms in the third category have more complex settings, with imitation between two or three voices. The last category of psalm settings was influenced by secular genres; pieces in this group either resemble German Lieder or are set in triple meter and have a dance-like character that is similar to an Italian villanelle. Several psalm settings also feature borrowed melodies from a variety of sources, including Gomółkas’s own music, Czech and German hymn books, Polish psalters, and Clemens non Papa’s setting of the Dutch Souterliedekens. Gomółka’s work showcases the cultural multiplicity of Polish society and the popularity of vernacular psalm settings in Poland during the 1500s.

Works: Mikołaj Gomólkas: Melodie na psałterz polski (15-22).

Sources: Clemens non Papa: Souterliedekens (18); Martin Luther: Ein feste Burg (18).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Cynthia Dretel, Matthew G. Leone

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

A four-voice madrigal found in the Fourth Book of Arcadelt's madrigals titled Pace non trovo e non ho da far guerra, setting the Petrarchan sonnet by that name, has material in common with two other works. The madrigal, anonymous in Arcadelt's collection, is ascribed to Ivo, probably Ivo Barry, a French musician in the papal choir under Clement VII and Paul III. A madrigal for three voices by Ihan Gero proves to be a modified version of the other. The techniques used to arrive at Gero's madrigal from Ivo's piece are similar to those used by Gero in other parodies, so Ivo's madrigal was probably written first. A third work, a cycle of madrigals by Palestrina titled Canzon di Gianneto sopra di Pace non trovo con quatordici stanze, consists of fourteen pieces all using material from Ivo's madrigal. Palestrina's text is itself a parody, fourteen ottava rima stanzas each ending with a line of the Petrarchan sonnet. The music for these lines consists of a parody of the original setting by Ivo.

Works: Ivo Barry: Pace non trovo e non ho da far guerra (madrigal); Ben mio chi mi ti toglie (madrigal) (116); Ihan Gero: Pace non trovo e non ho da far guerra; Palestrina: Canzon di Gianneto sopra di Pace non trovo con quatordici stanze (madrigal cycle).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

Although Palestrina wrote his two L'homme armé masses nearly a century after the majority of masses in this tradition were written, it is clear that he was consciously looking to this tradition for guidance in his own compositions, perhaps as an act of emulation. The influence of the L'homme armé masses of Josquin and Morales is evident, and evidence confirms that Palestrina would have been familiar with these works. Palestrina further followed earlier traditions in his choice of mode, prolation, and notation. It has been suggested that Palestrina chose to use the L'homme armé melody to prove he could equal Josquin's earlier achievements, although this is likely not the sole reason. In acknowledging the practices of the past, it is possible that Palestrina was trying to create a place for himself not only within the L'homme armé tradition, but within the revered traditions associated with composition and the Capella Sistina.

Works: Palestrina: Missa L'homme armé [1570], Missa L'homme armé [1582].

Sources: Josquin: Missa L'homme armé sexti toni (192), Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales (192, 197); Morales: Missa L'homme armé [1540] (192-94), Missa L'homme armé [1544] (192-94); De Orto: Missa L'homme armé (199-200).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Duo and trio chansons are usually derived from the text and top part of a chanson for four parts. Au pres de vous is typical. First appearing as a four-part piece in Attaingnant's collection Chansons nouvelles (1528), it was reprinted by Attaingnant and others several times in this format. Later it was substantially reworked in fewer-voice arrangements. As Heartz points out, "A composition of such neatness and clarity, such concision and elegance of detail, offered perfect grist for the arranger's mill." A three-part version from an incomplete publication of Attaingnant, later copied into Moderne's Parangon . . . Quart livre (1539) includes the original superius surrounded by two canonic parts. A duo arrangement in Rhaw's second book of Bicinia also may come from a previous Attaingnant publication, the missing Quarante et quatre chansons à deux, ou duo, chose delectable aux fleustes (1529). Like the three-part arrangement, this duo keeps the superius intact and adds a lower voice that derives much of its material from the original tenor. These few-voiced chansons were meant for the growing market of amateur players and singers.

Works: various anonymous: Au pres de vous.

Sources: Sermisy: Au pres de vous.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The search for unnamed musical models that were adopted by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century composers is problematic because the musical language of the time made extensive use of stereotyped formulas. For example, it would be misleading to think of the descending chromatic passage of a fourth in John Dowland's lute solo Forlorn Hope Fancy as a "theme" composed by Dowland, because it was simply a commonly used formula of the time. Dowland's famous tune Lachrymae (which was quoted throughout the seventeenth century in a large number of compositions) also consists of a descending scalar line and therefore poses similar problems in that it could be merely an example of a common melodic formula. It is possible, however, that Cipriano De Rore's frequently printed 1548 madrigal Quando lieta sperarai was the model for Dowland's tune. It contains a very similar melodic passage set to the words "Lagrimae dunque." It is likely that Dowland became familiar with this madrigal on his 1595 trip to Italy and incorporated it into his composition.

Works: Dowland: Lachrymae (65-68).

Sources: Rore: Quando lieta sperarai (65-68).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

The rondeau Fors seulement seems to have inspired imitation by composers of numerous secular chansons in much the way that L'Homme armé inspired Mass settings. Thirty-five surviving works are based on Fors seulement. Although the rondeau itself was written before 1470, twenty-six of the Fors seulement parodies are based on Ockeghem's three-part setting, which appeared five years later. Ockeghem's superius is the part most often borrowed by other composers, but it is often placed in a different voice using a transposed mode. Two later sources seem to point toward the creation of a new cantus firmus, which served as the model for the setting (probably by Matthaeus Pipelare) published by Petrucci in Canti B in 1502. Pipelare's setting, in turn, served as a model for Antoine de Févin's setting using Fors seulement la mort rather than the original Fors seulement l'attente. Willaert's five-part setting is drawn in turn from Févin. Appendices list all thirty-five settings with their sources, and trace the lineage of borrowing from Ockeghem to Willaert.

Works: Antoine de Févin: Fors seulement (100, 116, 123, 124, 126); Adrian Willaert: Fors seulement (101-02, 117, 126).

Sources: Johannes Ockeghem: Fors seulement (94-96, 108-09, 122); Anonymous: Fors seulement (97-98, 115, 123-4); Mattheus Pipelare: Fors seulement (98-100, 115-16, 125, 126).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century borrowing is apparent not only in a composer-to-composer context but also in the extemporized practice of singing. Contrapuntal procedures that developed out of discanting or coordination of consonances were not borrowed from individuals but belonged instead to the community. Though the relationships between the singers' improvised performances and the actual notated form are ambiguous, scribal alterations to chansons indicate that notated works were not "fixed" once they were committed to paper. Didactic exercises containing embellishments for chant tenors further suggest a strong relationship between the use of improvisatory gestures and their notated versions. Christopher Reynolds and other scholars have also identified these patterns or fundamental contrapuntal procedures as melodic and contrapuntal allusions—a process by which composers quoted or paraphrased short melodic fragments from each other with the intent of establishing a musico-textual allusion between the work and its model. Like the scribal variants and embellishment formulas, the allusions are found in the superius lines of chansons and masses and are typically no more than two perfections in length. It is clear, however, that these patterns are not allusions in many cases but resulted from shared compositional processes. The concordances between the anonymous Naples set of six L'homme armé masses and Caron's masses provide such examples: the highly stylized and commonplace contrapuntal and melodic gestures are the result of shared discant frameworks, which owe more to a particular institution's improvisational practices rather than to any individual author. The compositional frameworks within these masses thus illustrate that communal borrowings within extemporized polyphony continued even after the beginning of the "composer" era.

Works: Anonymous: Missa L'homme armé in Naples I (80-81), II (74-75, 83-84), VI (73-74); Caron: Missa L'homme armé (73-76, 80), Missa Jesus autem transiens (76, 80), Missa Clemens et benigna (77-78, 80), Pour regard doeul (78-79), Missa Accueilly m'a la belle (78-79).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Ronsard's poem "Bon jour mon coeur" was set to music by five composers during the 1560s and 1570s, including Lassus, Goudimel, Jean de Castro, Philippe de Monte, and André Pevernage. The latter composed a parody of Lassus's chanson that doubles the length and number of voices of the model.

Works: Buus: Douce memoire (369); Gardane: Amours sans fin est le cordier cordant (369); Pevernage: Bon jour mon coeur (368-77).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Sergio Bezerra

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The variation techniques exploited by English keyboard composers in the late sixteenth century were those found in early sixteenth-century lute intabulations of pavanes and passamezzi. The pavana alla venetiana and pavana alla ferrarese exemplify the two most prominent variation forms: (1) the single-strain variation, where each variation is governed by a fixed harmonic progression, and (2) the multiple-strain variation (e.g., AA' BB' etc.), where both the melody and accompaniment are retained in each variation. Both pavanes became prototypes of other variations in later lute and keyboard dance music. The pavana alla venetiana led to the passamezzo, which also involved written-out improvisations over a bass theme. The sixteenth-century "theme" was treated as a skeletal form to be filled in with new melodies, motives, texture or figuration at each repetition. The pavana alla ferrarese led to other multiple-strain variations (such as the galliard) where the technique of diminution is used. In diminution, the performer took care that the consonances on the strong beats were not violated when making the melody more florid. The historical place of English composers in the development of the variation should be re-evaluated because their techniques were used in the Continent long before they appeared in English keyboard music.

Works: J. A. Dalza: Pavana alla venetiana (119), Pavana alla ferrarese (120); Iacomo Gorzanis: Passamezzo Anticho (125, 131); Diego Pisador: Las Bacas sus differencias (126); P. Paulo Borrono: Pavana detta La Borroncina (128).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Baroque variation procedures shared techniques of improvisation found in sixteenth-century dance variations. Among sixteenth-century dances, the Pavane and the Passamezzo have strong chordal textures. In the Pavane, each strain is varied through diminution and changes in accompanimental texture before going to the next (AA' BB' CC' etc.) In the Passamezzo, a single strain is varied through free passagi and strict figurations. The brevity of Passamezzo themes (acting as chord roots) makes more demands on the composer, who has to search out a variety of textures and melodic and rhythmic ideas. The variable elements in both dances are controlled by a prescribed harmonic framework; florid melodies of the Pavane are controlled by a strong gravitation toward members of the governing chords while the passagi used in the Passamezzo are limited by the chord tones within a slower harmonic rhythm. The growing dependence upon figuration and motives as a unifying device in the late sixteenth century points to procedures common in Baroque variations.

Works: P. P. Borrono: Salterello Secondo dette el Vercelese (160); A. de Valderravano: Diferencias sobre el tenor del Conde Claros (163); Diego Pisador: Las Bacas sus Differencias (164); Iacomo Gorzanis: Passamezzo Anticho (165).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

The four-voiced chanson Doulce Memoire by Pierre Sandrin (c. 1490-1561), first published in 1538, was so popular that it was frequently reprinted for almost 90 years. It became the subject for a large number of instrumental and vocal arrangements, including versions for solo lute, viola da gamba with keyboard instrument, and solo keyboard instrument, as well as versions for two-, three-, four-, five-, and six-part vocal ensemble. Among these examples are an instrumental improvisation manual (1553) by Spaniard Diego Ortiz that teaches the user to improvise on the chanson, a 5-part parody mass (1577) by Orlando di Lasso, and a highly embellished version for viola da gamba and keyboard instrument (1626) by Vicenzo Bonizzi. Of the 36 versions of the chanson discussed here, 24 have been transcribed complete into modern notation.

Works: Ortiz: Recercada Prima (17, 50-51), Recercada Segonda (54-57), Recercada Tercera (58-61), Recercada Quarta que es una Quinta Boz (62-65); Clemens non Papa: Magnificat (91-93); Orlando di Lasso: Missa ad imitationem moduli Doulce memoire (20); Cipriano de Rore: Missa super Dulcis memoria (20).

Sources: Sandrin: Doulce Memoire (1-22).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

The identities of the passacaglia and the ciaccona are recognized through their different treatment of harmonies within a similar neutral I-IV-V progression. The passacaglia-ciaccona technique can be described as an ostinato of bass formulae within which internal harmonies are free to change. The essential quality of the passacaglia-ciaccona ostinato comes from the recurrence of a number of familiar bass progressions related to one another through harmony or melody (since progressions formed by the roots of chords often evolve into melodic bass lines). Guitar books from the early sixteenth century maintain a harmonic distinction between the passacaglia and the ciaconna, and there was a tendency to favor the minor mode for the passacaglia as a contrast to the major mode of the ciaccona. The type of progression used is dependent on the composer's process of form building: Italian composers are more concerned with constant variation, where no phrase is ever repeated exactly, while French composers are more interested in sectional form building than the process of variation itself. Passacaglia forms are mainly distinct from ciaccona forms through the difference in mode and in the variable activities within the harmonic progression rather than through rhythmic characteristics.

Works: Montesardo: Nuova inventione d'intavolatura (308); Sanseverino: Intavolatura facile (309); Frescobaldi: Il secondo libro di toccate (311).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

The ripresa, ritornello, and passacaglia are based on the sixteenth-century Italian dance form. The ripresa or ritornello (often appearing as V-I or IV-V-I) is a unit of music that precedes, follows, or alternates with a dance. The internal ripresa could be used as a portion within a dance or as a conclusion. While the number of internal riprese varies according to the time elapsing between sections of a piece, its harmonic design (i.e., the basic V-I pattern) is fixed. The concluding ripresa, on the other hand, occurs at the end of a piece and shows a greater harmonic variety through the insertion or substitution of alternate chords. In the concluding ripresa, the basic V-I pattern could be varied through the insertion, reshuffling, and mixing of chords, resulting in unpredictable chains of chord progressions such as IV-V-I-I, V-V-I-IV, V-V-I-II, or V-V-I-I. During the seventeenth century, these concluding riprese became independent sets and took the name of the passacaglia or ciaccona. The technique of the passacaglia or ciaccona then, is simply an ostinato of derived formulas of the ripresa. Thus, the ripresa, ritornello, and passacaglia evolved from the same harmonic pattern which originally functioned as a unit of the Italian dance form.

Works: Pass'emezzo semplice from MS 2804, Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence (368); Passamezzo per B quadro from MS 586, Biblioteca Comunale, Perugia (368); Carlo Milanuzzi: Secondo scherzo delle ariose vaghezze (369); Pass'emezo nuovo from Intabolatura nova di varie sorte de balli (360); Mattäus Waissel: Salterello (376-78, 382); Pietro Paolo Borrono: Pavana chiamata la Milanesa (390).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Although John Blitheman is best known for his virtuosic keyboard compositions and as the teacher of John Bull, close inspection of his plainsong variations show that he was highly innovative in terms of thematic integration and development. His four verses, or variations, on the hymn Eterne rerum each present a unique setting of the plainsong. Blitheman's cadences are usually derived from the phrases of the original chant, and melodic motives, taken from the openings of each variation, are treated with intervallic and rhythmic flexibility. In the fourth variation, three distinct motives are developed using retrograde motion and inversion. In Eterne rerum, as well as his setting of the Compline hymn Christe qui lux es, Blitheman integrates the cantus firmus into the imitative motives of the surrounding polyphony.

Works: John Blitheman: Eterne rerum (186-88), Christe qui lux es (188).

Sources: Hymn: Eterne rerum (186-88); Compline Hymn: Christe qui lux es (188).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

The long-held attribution of one of the ten Fors seulement masses to Nicholas Gombert is found questionable, as the same Mass is attributed to Jheronimus Vinders in a more reliable manuscript, the "Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap" in 's-Hertogenbosch ('s-HerAB 74). The Missa fors seulement employs literal cantus prius factus technique, which is uncommon in Gombert's other masses. On the other hand, Vinders's compositions use this technique often. Furthermore, the particular cantus prius factus practice in this Mass places the cantus firmus in the highest voice, which never occurs in the few cantus prius factus compositions that Gombert wrote. In contrast, Vinders's many pieces that use cantus firmus procedures feature this overt appropriation of the cantus firmus. Finally, other musical elements found in the Mass, such as cadential figures, ostinatos and homophonic textures do not correspond with Gombert's style.

Works: Gombert or Jheronimus Vinders: Missa Fors seulement (163-77).

Sources: Ockeghem: Fors seulement l'actente que je meure (163-64); Pipelare: Fors seulement l'attente que je meure (164-66); Févin: Fors seulement la mort, sans nul autre attente (164-66).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Victoria Malawey

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Cabezón's tiento on Malheur me bat shows his interest in treatment of selected musical materials rather than an interest in adhering to the complete form of the chanson. The chanson itself is noteworthy for its formal symmetry, its four points of imitation, its descending hexachord, and its density of motives. In Cabezón's setting, he is interested in showing the thematic connections between the chanson's first subject and Psalm Tone 4, which is incorporated at the end of the tiento as a cantus firmus. Cabezón alters the first subject of the chanson before the entrance of the cantus firmus to orient the tiento to mode 4. In the tiento, Cabezón makes imitation a priority by modifying and setting the first subject of the chanson in points of imitation. Cabezón also takes a descending motive from the opening of chanson and exploits it for the climax of the tiento. Besides the imitative treatment of the first subject and the development of two motives, Cabezón makes no reference to the two most prominent features of the chanson: its formal symmetry and its greater variety of motives.

Works: Cabezón: Tiento Quarto tono sobre Malheur me bat (56-57); Josquin: Missa Malheur me bat (58).

Sources: Malcort or Martini: Malheur me Bat (54-55).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

The fundamental change in the style of the ricercar can be explained by considering analogies to rhetorical literature; the early improvisatory ricercar fits Aristotle's description of a proem while the late "motetic" ricercar follows the plan of the exordium described by Cicero. Early ricercars resemble Aristotle's proem in their preludial function, how they establish the mode of a following motet or madrigal, and how they are used for the tuning of the instrument (as an orator would "tune" the soul of his listeners by attracting their attention). Late ricercars, on the other hand, seem to be modeled after Cicero's exordium, which is divided into the principium and the insinuatio. The plain and direct principium makes the listener attentive while the more subtle insinuatio steals into the listener's mind indirectly. The musical implications of Cicero's principium and insinuatio are realized in ricercars by Andrea Gabrieli and Girolamo Cavazzoni featuring intonazioni which begin with full and plain chords, and imitative ricercars consisting of voices creeping in quietly one by one while imperceptibly increasing the number of voices. In this light, the two ricercars in J. S. Bach's Musical Offering can be seen as being modeled after Cicero's twofold distinction as well as Frescobaldi's toccata (principium) and ricercar (insinuatio) in his Fiori musicali.

Works: Andrea Gabrieli: Intonazione del primo tono (26); Girolamo Cavazzoni: Ricercar primo (26-27); Hieronimo Parabosco: Ricercar XVIII (27); J. S. Bach: Musical Offering (39-40).

Sources: Frescobaldi: Fiori musicali (41).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

A plainchant Kyrie melody bearing the label “ungaricum,” which appears in several variants in medieval manuscripts from Central European cities, demonstrates the influence of cultural exchange on the transmission of late medieval melodies. By tracing its history through Southern Germany, Hungary, and Poland during the late medieval period, and by examining the variants which appear in Melnicki’s Kyrie and Thannabaur’s Sanctus catalogues, it can be proven that a single plainchant melody could be adapted to serve multiple functions. An appendix lists the sources where the “ungaricum” melody can be found.

Works: Anonymous: Ungaricum sanctus de beata virgine pulchrum sequitu (20-21); Anonymous: Sequitur ungaricum kyrieleis (20-21).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Cynthia Dretel, Matthew G. Leone

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

During the first decade of Calvin’s Reform of Geneva, the Consistory ecclesiastical court targeted indecent singing, reflecting the Reformed belief in the power of song to influence behavior. The Consistory and the Genevan Small Council repeatedly issued proclamations and ordinances against illicit singing. Court records show over one hundred cases involving illicit singing in Calvinist Geneva. Some cases were solely about singing indecent songs, while others connected musical crimes to other crimes such as dancing and gambling. Many people charged with illicit singing defended themselves by claiming they were singing a different, legal song, often a patriotic song or a devotional contrafact of a would-be illicit tune. One of the biggest cases involving illicit song was brought against Jerome Bolsec, a former Carmelite who publicly argued against Calvin’s doctrine of predestination. During his imprisonment, Bolsec composed a contrafactum on Marot’s Psalm 23 in the Geneva Psalter that quickly made its way into the popular song repertoire. In making his theological argument in the song, Bolsec carefully preserves the poetic meter of the original and makes intertextual references to “David” and “lambs” from the psalm. A supporter of Bolsec, Jean de Cortean, was charged with (among other crimes including fornication) singing Bolsec’s contrafactum, for which Cortean was imprisoned. For the Calvinists, singing indecent songs was an attack on the Reformed social body and as such required strict disciplining through the Consistory.

Works: Jerome Bolsec: Complainte de Hierome Bolsec en prison en Geneve sur le chant du psalme: Mon Dieu me paist soubz sa puissance haulte (31-38)

Sources: Clement Marot: Mon Dieu me paist, Psalm 23 (31-38)

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

It is difficult to define the term "parody mass," because it encompasses a technique that underwent great development throughout the 15th and 16th centuries. This article discusses and illustrates this growth through the works of Netherland composers of this time period. The development of parody techniques begins with mass composers such as Barbingant and Josquin, who focused primarily on the melodic elements of their original source and composed works with techniques similar to that of cantus firmus masses, and continues with composers such as de la Rue, who borrowed small polyphonic fragments from the original, and later Monte, who incorporated larger, more polyphonic structures from the source, often in conspicuous places.

Works: Barbingant: Missa Terriblement suis fortunée (412); Pierre de la Rue: Missa à 6 Ave Sanctissima Maria (413-14); Josquin: Missa Fortuna desperata (415), Missa Malheur me bat (415), Missa Una musque de Buscava (415); Monte: Missa Reviens vers moi (418), Missa a 5 Cara la vita mia (418); Lassus: Missa Entre vous filles de quinze ans (417); Willaert: Missa Mente tota (416).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Paula Ring Zerkle

Index Classifications: 1500s

There are more settings of "Susanne un jour" preserved in manuscripts and publications than of any other sixteenth-century secular text in any language. Almost all use the same melody, Didier Lupi Second's Susanne un jour, a chanson spirituelle intended for devotional use amongst Protestants. The settings, however, were mostly aimed at a popular audience. Lassus's 1560 setting was the most famous: reprinted and set for instruments more than any other setting, it also reached the largest audience in the most countries. Other settings in the "Susanne" complex would have played on the listener's or performer's acquaintance with the original model or other settings. Each composer used the "Susanne" model in a different way. To determine how or why an individual piece borrows, settings may be inspected in the following ways: (1) relation to the Lupi model; (2) relation to other pieces in the complex (including borrowing from one setting to another, or the purposeful use of a new technique of setting); (3) position within a "style, period or milieu"; (4) position in the composer's output. "Susanne" settings present the sixteenth-century polyphonic chanson in microcosm.

Works: Orlando de Lassus, Susanne un jour (382, 386, 388-89); Millot, Susanne un jour (387-88, 392); Claude le Jeune, Susanne un jour (389-91); Monte, Susanne un jour (392); Rore, Susanne un jour (393); François Rousell (393-95); Nicholas de la Grotte, Susanne un jour (395-96); Andreas Papius, Susanne un jour (396-97, 405-08).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

The following indices help to locate works within the madrigal repertoire: a composer index with incipits, an index to first lines, a thematic locator index, and an index to sources. In the composer index, the comment line lists possible musical borrowings where applicable. Additionally, the thematic locator index allows users to identify melodies by their interval sequence and indicates whether a particular melodic line appears in other sources.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The following indices help to locate works within the motet repertoire: a composer index with incipits, an index to first lines, a thematic locator index, a short title index to sources, and a bibliography of modern editions. In the composer index, the comment line lists possible musical borrowings where applicable. Additionally, the thematic locator index allows users to identify melodies by their interval sequence and indicates whether a particular melodic line appears in other sources.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Three types of instrumental pieces became popular in the late fifteenth-century, all of which borrowed pre-existing musical material. The instrumental chanson was by far the most widespread and artistically important type. This form used one or more voices from the source forme-fixe chanson and added two or more repetitive and rhythmically dense parts as counterpoints against the source material; however, borrowed melodic lines were only used in part and never taken in entirety. This allowed for greater freedom and flexibility in instrumental chanson compositions. Phrase lengths varied more, since there were no textual considerations in instrumental music. Note values were often shortened to create more rhythmic uniformity among the parts. Sequential and repetitive devices were more common in the instrumental chansons in comparison to their vocal models, but such devices were commonly found in large sacred vocal works, where a more abstract relationship between the text and music invited the use of sequences and repetitive designs in the music. While instrumental music depends on a strong performance tradition, the most prominent pieces of instrumental music from the early sixteenth century were still composed by singer-composers who approached the instrumental medium from a vocal standpoint. Without true predecessors, instrumental works in the mid-sixteenth century either continued to borrow from vocal models or were newly invented.

Works: Josquin: Adieu mes amours (118), Basiés moy (118), Cela sans plus (118); Isaac: Helas que devera mon cuer (118); Ghiselin: La Alfonsa (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Mon souvenir (120); Martini: Des biens d'amours (120), De la bonne chiere (120-21); Josquin: La plus des plus (120-21), La Bernardina (120-22).

Sources: Anonymous: Adieu mes amours (118), Basies moy (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: De tous biens plaine (118); Ockeghem: D'ung aultre amer (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Mon souvenir (120); Josquin: Vultum tuum deprecabuntur (123), Alma redemptoris mater (123).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey, Victoria Malawey

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

It has been assumed that compositions found in sixteenth-century Tudor manuscripts are indeed of English origin. However, several parody pieces, based on Continental source compositions, are included in one particular Tudor manuscript. The question then follows of whether the parody compositions are of Continental or English origin. These compositions are attributed to "Lupus"; from this, there is a resulting problem as to which "Lupus" the attribution should be made. The Peterhouse collection attributes these compositions to "Lupus Italus," yet this attribution has been discredited. Comparing Missa Surrexit pastor bonus with its model confirms its Continental origins and further confounds the problem of attribution. Both the Mass and motet feature similar textual correspondences, similar formal design, and exact corresponding closing "Alleluia" sections. Furthermore, the order of the borrowed material in each Mass movement corresponds with the model's presentation. The material of the motet's prima pars serves as the source for the opening of the Mass's movements, and the secunda pars is the source for the second half of the Gloria and Credo movements. A more detailed examination of these pieces and their models may reveal the proper attribution of Continental works included in Tudor manuscripts.

Works: "Lupus": Aspice Domine (337), Missa Surrexit pastor bonus (341).

Sources: Andrea de Silva: Surrexit pastor bonus (341-42).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Victoria Malawey

About 1500 there occurred a change of model for the Mass from chanson to motet. This change was due in part to the significant output of motet types. The rising importance of the text in the motet caused composers to be alert to the opportunity of drawing upon text associations to generate certain musical procedures in the Mass. In addition, the importance given to the text caused composers to think and write motivically. This type of motivic construction, not present in the 15th century, was crucial to the development of the 16th-century parody Mass.

Works: Claudin: Missa Domine quis habitat (57); Gombert: Missa Sancta Maria (57); Therache: Missa Quem dicunt homines (57); de Hondt: Missa Benedictus Dominus (57); Obrecht: Missa Rosa playsant (58): Josquin: Missa D'ung aultre amer (58): Barbingant: Missa Terribilment (62); Obrecht: Missa Ave Regina (63), Missa Si didero (63); Josquin: Missa Mater Patris (63): Févin: Missa Mente tota (64), Missa Ave Maria (64); Mouton: Missa Quem dicunt homines (64); Divitis: Missa Quem dicunt homines (64).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Sergio Bezerra

Despite the recognition of the importance of "L'Homme armé," two questions still remain outstanding: (1) what are the origins of the melody and its text, and (2) how may the earliest polyphonic elaborations of the tune be identified, grouped, and ordered? Details of the tune's structure and modality suggest that it was composed rather than arising spontaneously from folk tradition. Its traditional use as a tenor part supports the idea that the tune was once the tenor of a three-part chanson. The text can be read in light of several social and military innovations in 1440s France. Dufay appears to be the first to elaborate the melody in a mass cycle; the tradition spread to other regions of France and returned to Burgundy before spreading into Italy. There are marked stylistic differences in the oldest masses using the tune. Dufay, Josquin, Palestrina, and others used a countermelody resembling Kyrie VIII ("Kyrie de angelis") in "L'Homme armé" masses. This same countermelody appears in the "In nomine" section of John Taverner's Mass "Gloria tibi trinitas," thus suggesting a link between the "L'Homme armé" and "In nomine" traditions.

Works: Guillaume Dufay: Missa L'Homme armé (112-15, 116); Johannes Ockeghem: Missa L'Homme armé (113-15); Josquin des Prez: Missa L'Homme armé super voces musicales (116-17), Missa L'Homme armé sexti toni (117); Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Missa L'Homme armé (117); Johannes Prioris: Missa de Angelis (118-19); John Taverner: Missa Gloria tibi trinitas (120-21).

Sources: L'Homme armé; O rosa bella (101-02); Kyrie VIII ("Kyrie de Angelis") (116-21).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

The authority and widespread of the term "parody" as applied to sixteenth-century music stem from a reference by Ambros in 1868, based on the title of Jacob Paix's Missa Parodia Mottetae Domine da nobis auxilium of 1587. Theorists such as Vicentino, Zarlino, Pietro Ponzio, and Cerone discussed the concept as it applies to music but did not use the Greek term "parody," most often using the Latin "imitatio." While other terms would be more acceptable, the widespread use of the word "parody" makes necessary a concise definition as it has come to be used. The term "parody" can be applied preeminently to music in the sixteenth century, and its major area of cultivation was the Mass. A distinctive feature of sixteenth-century "parody" is that its unit of procedure is the motive and that the skill and art of "parody" lay in the transformation that composers could achieve from previously formed motivic constructions. A drastic change in the concept of composition was an apparently essential condition for "parody" to develop in music.

Works: Jacob Paix: Missa ad imitationem Mottetae In illo tempore (564-65), Missa Parodia Mottetae Domine da nobis auxilium (561-66, 568). WJM

Index Classifications: General, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Josquin based his Missa Di Dadi on the tenor of Robert Morton's three-voice rondeau N'aray je jamais mieulx que j'ay. Not only this text but also the visual device of two dice indicating the degree of augmentation in the tenor are closely related to the fifteenth-century liturgical ritual of the Mass. The dice disappear at the beginning of the "Osanna," and it is at this same place that the chanson tenor is quoted beyond the first line ("N'aray je jamais mieulx que j'ay?"). Long interprets the sequence of dice arrangements as rolls of a popular French dice game, which ends after the "Sanctus" with the victory of the first player. The winning of the game corresponds to the "short-lived glimpse of the Redeemer" (a reward for the faithful) at the elevation of the host during the "Osanna." The first line of the chanson text, which is repeated seven times before the "Osanna," has a meaning that is both secular (relating to money) and sacred (relating to the search for salvation), and the answer is not given until that moment where the whole cantus firmus is quoted. The remainder of the article (p. 14-21) considers parallels between Josquin's Missa Di Dadi and the late Missa Pange lingua. The latter may have been in part a reworking of the former in order to eliminate the metaphor of the dice.

Works: Josquin: Stabat Mater (1-2), Missa Di Dadi (1-13, 20-21), Missa D'ung aultre amer (5); Pierre de la Rue: Missa de Sancta Anna (12-13); Josquin: Missa Pange lingua (14-21).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

The publication of The Mulliner Book (Brit. Mus. Add. 30513) along with its accompanying commentary by Denis Stevens comprises a valuable introduction to several types of musical borrowing in English Tudor keyboard music. All possible variations of cantus firmus techniques may be found in the many In Nomine and Gloria tibi Trinitas settings. A comparison of the elaborate popular song settings, such as Johnson's Defiled is my name, with their vocal counterparts show how sixteenth-century musicians dealt with the voice leading problems that occurred in creating instrumental transcriptions. Other works in the collection show how English composers took common Italian bass patterns and used them to establish new variation techniques. These new processes would become standard practice for Elizabethan composers of the next generation, including William Byrd. Also included in the collection is the first British Fansye by Master Newman. It is clearly modeled on Marco Antonio Cavazzoni's Salve virgo.

Works: Johnson: Defiled is my name (378-79); Passamezzo (387-89); Master Newman: A fansye (389-92).

Sources: Antiphon: Gloria tibi Trinitas (375); Johnson: Defiled is my name (378-79); Marco Antonio Cavazzoni: Salve virgo (389-92).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

The Mulliner Book contains the largest collection of keyboard works by William Blitheman (1525-1591). Although Blitheman is best known as John Bull's teacher, a closer inspection of the Gloria tibi Trinitas settings shows that he may have also been one of the pioneering figures in the development of plainsong variation sets. The six Trinitas pieces were probably originally intended as one cyclic work. This composition would not predate Narvaez's two sets of variations on O Gloriosa domina, but was probably a great influence on later European variation composers, such as Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck. In the first five variations, the Gloria tibi Trinitas plainsong serves as a structural voice around which increasingly virtuosic passages are composed. In some of the variations, the cantus firmus participates in and is obscured by the musical figuration. The last variation follows the contemplative melos suave style, which can be found in other works by Blitheman. Investigation also shows that the work was most likely composed for organ.

Works: William Blitheman: Gloria tibi Trinitas I-VI (528-53).

Sources: Antiphon: Gloria tibi Trinitas (528-53).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

A comparison of two lute intabulations of Wert's madrigal Cara la vita shows how two different composers (Emmanuel Adriensen and Giovanni Antonio Terzi) adapted their style and techniques to specific performance settings. Adriensen's intabulation of the madrigal mostly maintains the texture, melody, and rhythms of the original so that the intabulation can still be played as an accompaniment for singing. Terzi on the other hand intended his intabulation for solo performance. The outer voices are still delineated in the first section of Terzi's intabulation. The second section departs from the model as less effort is made to preserve the melodic material. Although the outline of the original is discontinued, the harmonic structure of the original remains clear. The two intabulations show how both composers adhere closely to the tonal structure within their elaboration of the music and how they were still inclined to preserve their model rather than obscure it.

Works: Adriensen: Intabulation of Cara la vita (95-97); Terzi: Intabulation of Cara la vita (96-98).

Sources: Wert: Cara la vita mia (94).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Two psalm motets attributed to Josquin, Levavi oculos meos in montes (c.1539) and Nunc dimittis (c.1530) are probably the work of lesser composers. Research into the authenticity of these works entails a careful examination of sources and musical style. Levavi oculos occurs only in the second volume of psalm motets of Johannes Petreius (1539), an unreliable source. Nunc dimittis is preserved in only two Italian manuscripts (1522 and c.1530). Levavi oculos and Nunc dimittis were probably modeled on the structure of Josquin's motets Qui habitat in audiutorio altissimi (c.1530) and Memor esto verbi tui (c.1510), respectively. Especially similar are the dimensions of the opening and closing sections of each pair of motets. Although the unknown composers incorporated Josquin's subjects, they failed to capture the interesting contours and initial rhythmic thrusts of those subjects. In addition, the passages not modeled on Josquin's motets are often contrapuntally awkward and the text-setting by the unknown composers is inferior to that of Josquin. Like Cicero, Josquin was a model of perfection, especially in Germany in the 1530s and 1540s. Josquin's music was particularly important in the early sixteenth century because, unlike the situation in literature, no music had survived from antiquity to serve as a model for Renaissance composers. The term imitatio serves a useful function as long as one qualifies the type of imitatio as being student emulation, as in the motets Levavi oculos and Nunc dimittis, or homage of a certain kind.

Works: Anonymous: Levavi oculos; Nunc dimittis.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Bertram

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Combinative music of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries uses different methods to unite heterogeneous texts and melodies: simultaneous, successive, and a combination of the two. Franco-Flemish practice focused on the first two of these categories. Serious motets and melancholy songs combined texts and tunes with symbolic relationships. Double and triple chansons and compositions with mixed sacred and secular texts used satire to produce humor on an ironic level. The type of combinative writing most often found in German regions featured a combination of successive fragments within a loose form, producing a broader, nonsensical type of humor. Thus the term "quodlibet" should be understood to refer to this specific sixteenth-century German type.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Scholars have perceived polytextual Franco-Flemish polyphony from 1450 to 1530 as medieval (rather than Renaissance) in style. In reality, such polyphony from this era demonstrates complexity, obscure symbolism, deliberate artificiality, and ingenuity that are all mannerist features from a more Renaissance than medieval spirit.

Polytextual polyphony from this era exhibits the mannerist tendency to demonstrate obscure relationships through uniting disparate texts and musical topoi in a deliberately artificial and ingenious form. Motets on sacred subjects were constructed on secular cantus firmi or on liturgical melodies whose original text differed from that of the polyphonic setting. Double- and triple-texted chansons often quoted one or more pre-existent melodies whose musical style and textual content differ radically from their polyphonic context. Besides uniting diverse melodic and poetic styles, the double chanson in its mature phase fuses antithetical structures, combining the asymmetrical formes fixes with symmetrical forms in canonic layout. As a result, each composition displays a starling disparity of musical styles. This disparity of styles is what distinguishes Renaissance polytextual polyphony from medieval polyphony: medieval polyphony strove to unify various elements into a coherent whole, while Renaissance polyphony deliberately juxtaposed various elements in a complex manner.

Works: Busnois: Puis qu’aultrement – Marchez là dureau (20-27); Compère: Plaine d’ennuy – Anima mea (28-29); Josquin: Videte omnes populi (30).

Sources: Anonymous (Sarum chant): Circumdederunt me (30).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Palestrina composed nine polyphonic Masses based on plainsong hymns. One is canonic, two in cantus-firmus style, and six are paraphrase Masses. It is likely that his choice of hymns was influenced by his role in the post-Tridentine chant reform, which resulted in the publication of Johannes Guidetti's Directorium chori. All the hymns used by Palestrina in paraphrase Masses are contained in this publication. He usually states the borrowed melody in even note values, freeing him from the metrical structure of the hymn text.

Works: Palestrina: Missa Te Deum (349), Missa Veni Creator Spiritus, Missa Iam Christus (354), Missa Aeterna Christi (355), Missa Jesu nostra, Missa Ad coenam (357), Missa Octavi toni, Missa Iste confessor (360), Missa Sanctorum meritis (362).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Fredrick Tarrant

As suggested by John Ward and others, when a sixteenth-century composition borrows only melodic material from another work, the term "paraphrase" should be used rather than "parody." By contrast, "parody" should refer to the practice of appropriating "vertical slices" (chords and imitative structures) of the thematic complex of the borrowed music in a fairly strict manner. Giovanni Paolo Paladino's 1560 monothematic fantasia based on Vincenzo Ruffo's madrigal Alcun non puo saper subjects the original madrigal to a variety of techniques that include modification of the basic imitative structure (changing the distance between points of imitation), rhythmic alterations such as diminution and augmentation, and transposition of some of the melodic material to different modes. The intent of Paladino's borrowing remains an open question. Given the diatonicism of subjects and the control of dissonance in sixteenth-century counterpoint, it is possible that many "borrowed" relationships may simply arise from the use of a common subject. Paladino's Fantasia occupies a middle ground between parody and paraphrase since it appropriates, but radically alters, the vertical structure of Ruffo's madrigal.

Works: Paladino: Fantasia on "Alcun non puo saper" (1-12).

Sources: Ruffo: Alcun non puo saper (2-10).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb, Jir Shin Boey

Although most polyphonic lamentations of the sixteenth century are based on the Roman lamentation tone, we find a few examples (including some outside of Spain) that are based on the Spanish version. The latter is especially characterized by its initial formula for the Hebrew letter. This formula may be quoted literally, paraphrased in one or several voices, transposed, and even reused in the initium of the actual lamentation. There is even an example where both the Roman and Spanish tone are vertically combined. One should beware, however, of confusing quotation with accidental melodic concordances.

Works: Morales: Aleph. Quomodo sedet (for five parts; from Ms. Toledo, Catedral, Bibl. Capitular, Libros de facistol Ms. 21) (232-33); Fuenllana: Aleph. Quomodo sedet; Morales: Lamentation, arranged for voice and vihuela (233); Créquillon: Lamed. O vos omnes (234-35), Mem. De excelso misit ignem (234); Valera: Ya no quiero aver plaser (236).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

This collection of essays concerns the practice of musical borrowing within fifteenth- and sixteenth-century music. Topics explored include questions of allusion and citation in motets and masses, the cultural contexts of masses, the process for naming masses, and types of borrowing utilized by composers. See the following authors for abstracts of individual articles: M. Jennifer Bloxam, Cathy Ann Elias, Michele Fromson, Jenny Hodgson, Honey Meconi, Christopher Reynolds, Murray Steib, and Andrew H. Weaver.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

From the mid-fifteenth century until about 1520, there was a strong tradition of reworking polyphonic art songs (i.e., secular compositions not derived from popular melodies and drawn from Flemish and Italian sources in addition to chansons). A relatively small number of models were used repeatedly, generating a large repertory of derived compostions. It is possible that composers consciously decided to use these limited models as a type of "contest" to demonstrate their craft, possibly beginning with Fors seulement. Cantus-firmus settings were written early in the tradition but became predominant later. There is no pattern of "progression" in the types of reworkings employed. Italy seems to be an important center for the art-song reworking, perhaps due to the influx of northern composers, an impatience with the forme-fixe chanson, and the development of instrumental virtuosity.

Sources: Hayne van Ghizeghem: Allez regretz (4, 5, 24, 26), De tous biens plaine (4, 5, 7, 11, 12, 17, 27-28); Gilles Binchois (?): Comme femme (4, 7, 11-12, 26); Johannes Ockeghem: D'ung aultre amer (4, 7, 11, 28-29), Fors seulement (4, 5, 14-15, 17, 20-21, 23-24, 30-31), Ma bouche rit (4, 35); Jacques Barbireau: Een vrolic wesen (4, 5, 15, 18, 29-30); Anonymous: Fors seulement, two subsidiary settings (4, 5, 10, 31), O waerde mont (4, 15, 36); Antoine Busnois (?): Fortuna desperata (4, 5, 7-8, 11-12, 13, 15, 17, 31-33); Caron (?): J'ay pris amours (4, 7, 9-10, 15, 18-19, 20, 24, 33-34); Guillaume Dufay (?): Le serviteur (4, 8-9, 19-20, 34); John Bedyngham or John Dunstable: O rosa bella (4, 12-14, 15, 24, 35-36).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Until the later sixteenth century there is insufficient evidence to support the notion put forth by scholars such as Howard Brown, Leeman Perkins, and J. Peter Burkolder that compositional procedures involving polyphonic borrowing derive from composers' conscious adoption of rhetorical ideas of imitatio. Moreover, many of the respective techniques and principles were fundamentally different. Literary imitatio had as its goal the restoration of classical rhetoric through emulation, whereas musical borrowing had no such aim. As an alternative to imitatio, one should consider the following reasons for musical borrowing in the early renaissance: (1) it was a natural outgrowth of Medieval practice; (2) it was a means of unifying a multi-sectional work; (3) as composers began to think in terms of vertical sonorities, it was natural to borrow such sonorities; (4) compositional curiosity resulted in the reuse of one's own material; (5) it was a time-saving device; (6) it was often the result of specific commissions; or (7) it intrigued the composer.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: J. Sterling Lambert, Reginald Sanders

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there was no uniform practice for titling masses in manuscript sources. Though modern scholarship has traditionally listed masses under the name of the borrowed material, works within manuscript sources were often identified by number of voices, by a title indicating the devotional function, or by no title at all. This is typical of Pierre de La Rue's output—contained in large quantities within the Habsburg-Burgundian court manuscripts—and provides a basis for investigating the justification of our modern practice and understanding the nature of naming in the Renaissance. The Habsburg-Burgundian manuscripts contain an extensive amount of rubrification, often citing the presence of preexisting material. Scribes wrote the model under one voice or provided multiple under-texting within the opening of the mass. La Rue's works show that even in the case of citations, masses were not titled according to the borrowed model. If the under-texting by scribes did not influence the name of the mass, then its primary purpose could have been to create more visual appeal and, more importantly, to call attention to the presence of the borrowed material. In addition, the popularity of the parody mass at court made musicians and scribes more attuned to the presence of polyphonic borrowing. A mass with preexisting material was more likely to be copied than sine nomine masses or those with modal identities. Modern scholars identify the mass by its model because of the analytical value attached to the borrowed model and because early music historiography emphasized naming masses in this way. Closer attention to the naming of compositions within their sources will highlight the complexities of identity and construction within this music.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The study of borrowing has been a powerful tool for analysis of music in the Renaissance period and has provoked arguments and fierce debates over defining borrowing types, providing a terminology for them, and understanding why and how composers did what they did. Controversies have arisen over "imitation" or "parody" as terms for polyphonic borrowing, differences between paraphrase and cantus firmus technique, issues of overt and covert borrowing, and whether borrowing is taking place at all. Compiling a history of borrowing in the Renaissance—in light of these challenges and when considering that much more basic research needs to be completed for many composers—seems an impossible task at this stage, but the essays within this book provide a guide to further investigation and show how borrowing remains a compelling approach to analysis and criticism of early music.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

This essay lists and briefly discusses a number of sixteenth-century works, which incorporate borrowed material. Meier sometimes only indicates the origins of the borrowed material and sometimes also refers to its meaning. The examples are loosely grouped into two categories, those quoting Gregorian chant and those quoting other composers and Cypriano de Rore in particular. Composers do not borrow only from closely-related works or works in the same genre; a common word may be reason enough for quotation. The quoted passage can also be transposed to another mode, which changes the arrangement of the half and whole steps, but leaves the passage still recognizable. Quotation in the sixteenth century reflects the "learned" character of the music and shows in the case of the Gregorian melodies how familiar they still were.

Works: Josquin: Miserere mei Deus (1), Vultum tuum deprecabuntur (2); Senfl: Miserere mei Deus (1); Lassus: Psalmus Poenitentialis, No. 4 (1), Pater Abraham (2), Venite ad me (2), five-part Lamentations, No. 1 (2), Nunc gaudere licet (3), Fertur in conviviis/Vinus, vina, vinum (3), Donec malos angelos/Venientes cernant, /Cantantes his non fore/Requiem aeternam (3), Il estoit une religieuse (3), Octo beatitudines (8); Clemens non Papa: Nunc dimittis servum tuum Domine (1), Discite a me (2); Susato: Salve Antverpia, gemma, flos, venustas Europea (3); Rore: Concordes adhibete animos (3); Barbigant or Ockeghem: Au travail suis (3); Striggio: Anchor ch'io possa dire (4); Vespa: Anchor che la partita (4, 6); Caracciolo: Anchor che gran dolore (4); Ingegneri: Lasso che nel partire (4), Come la notte (7); Andrea Gabrieli: A caso un giorno (4); Portinaro: Vergine bella (4), Il dì s'appressa (4); Rossetto: Hor che'l ciel e la terra (5), Lasso che mal accorto (6); Chamaterï: Hor che'l ciel e la terra (5), Deh hor foss'io (7); de Monte: Fu forse un tempo (6); Animuccia: Alla dolc'ombra (6); Wert: Lasso che mal accorto (6); Merulo: Come la notte (7); Palestrina: Deh hor foss'io (7); Pordenon: Deh hor foss'io (7), Gravi pene (8); Paien: Gravi pene (8); Guami: Gravi pene (8), A la dolce ombra de la nobil pianta (10); Lechner: O Tod du bist ein bittre Gallen (8); Lupacchino: Onde tolse amor (8); Asola: Vergine bella (10), Vergine in cui (10).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Many free instrumental compositions from the Renaissance, including fantasias, ricercares, and tientos, were modeled on the contemporary vocal repertory. Two fantasias by Francesco da Milano show a significant relationship between intabulations and free compositions. Francesco's intabulation of Richafort's chanson De mon triste desplaisir leaves harmonic and thematic materials largely unchanged, while his Fantasia de mon triste parodies the vocal model up to a certain point, after which it departs from the original by introducing new subjects and motives. The fantasia, though intentionally based on a vocal model, can still be loosely related to the original; when a fantasia is well composed, it evokes the model without directly quoting from it. Francesco's Fantasia 22 contains melodic musical material that appears to be derived from Jacob Arcadelt's madrigal Quanta beltà. Francesco had previously intabulated the Arcadelt madrigal, and the model for Fantasia 22 may be Francesco's own arrangement of the madrigal, rather than the madrigal itself. Melodic materials developed in the fantasia are drawn from modified versions of the melody in the intabulation. There are, however, still correspondences between the fantasia and the madrigal. Motives borrowed from the madrigal are reworked in the fantasia in the same order in which they occur in the vocal model. The two fantasias show how free instrumental works, with the mediation of intabulations, were still closely modeled on contemporary vocal repertory.

Works: Francesco da Milano: Intabulation of De mon triste desplaisir (10), Fantasia de mon triste (10-11), Intabulation of Quanta beltà (13-15), Fantasia 22 (13-16).

Sources: Richafort: De mon triste desplaisir (10); Arcadelt: Quanta beltà (13-15).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey, Scott Grieb

Parody occurs if at least two voices from a polyphonic composition are borrowed simultaneously. Monte avoids exact quotation except at the beginning of a movement, treating the material with increasing freedom as the Mass unfolds. He reworks not only individual strands but the whole polyphonic complex, thus making it unrecognizable. The adjustments include a great variety of techniques. (1) A discrepancy in the number of syllables between model and Mass and the observation of correct accentuation may require rhythmic changes. (2) Monte simplifies a melody by omitting non-essential notes, or he elaborates it by introducing passing and auxiliary notes. (3) The composer often alters the polyphonic organization of his models, changing the number of imitative entries and rearranging them horizontally and vertically. (4) Encompassed under the label "development" are techniques such as the vertical combination of two subjects from the model, the borrowing of a polyphonic complex while adding a free part, and the construction of a longer imitative section based on an insignificant motive of the model. The fact that Monte borrows from composers such as Palestrina, Striggio, Wert, and Lassus shows a predominant interest in works of his contemporaries.

Works: Monte: Missa Cara la vita mia (49, 67, 78, 88, 141, 143), Missa Ancor che col partire (50, 63, 83, 101, 135, 154, 172), Missa Inclina cor meum (54, 89, 92, 103, 128, 154), Missa Quando lieta sperai (56, 66, 69, 75, 78, 96, 99, 115, 145, 154, 171), Missa Nasce la pena mia (58, 66, 69, 137, 151, 154), Missa Quam pulchra es (61), Missa Ultima miei sospiri (69), Missa La dolce vista (71, 85, 107, 147, 152), Missa Aspice domine (90, 109, 123, 139, 153), Missa Benedicta es coelorum regina (95), Missa Reviens vers moy (97, 107, 113, 153), Missa Cum sit omnipotens rector Olympi (107, 117, 146, 154), Missa O altitudo divitiarum (138, 140, 153, 155), Missa Ma cueur se recommande a vous (149), Missa Vestiva i colli (152, 155), Missa Confitebor tibi Domine (154).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

British Museum, Additional MS 29996 folios 158-178b contains a set of twenty anonymous pieces labeled with a heading indicating that they are compositions "on the faburden" of a piece of plainchant. "On the faburden" means that faburden, the improvisational technique of singing above a given melody (in this case plainchant) more or less at the interval of a third, was the genesis of the pieces. In these examples, the chant was then dropped, and the new composition was written using the faburden line as the middle voice. The notes of the plainchant and its text incipit are given at the beginning of each piece. The chants used are all hymns found in the Sarum Breviary, in services from Advent through the third sunday of Lent.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

Index Classifications: 1500s

The purveyors of Anglican Church music in the late sixteenth century followed a close student-teacher relationship over several generations. In the case of Thomas Tallis, his student William Byrd, and the third generation, Thomas Morley, there is a tradition of emulation and borrowing which manifests itself in their Short Services and Triple-Time Services. Byrd's setting of the Te Deum, in his Short Service, contains harmonic patterns and melodic figures that were clearly derived from the Tallis version. In the Nunc Dimittis, Byrd imitates the manner in which Tallis introduces increasing amounts of imitation throughout a movement, and the interplay Tallis employs between the soprano and the lower voices. Morley is indebted to his mentor William Byrd, in terms of tonal outlines, and also to Thomas Tallis, with borrowings at specific harmonic points.

Works: William Byrd: Short Service (83-100), Triple-Time Service (100-111); Thomas Morley: Short Service (83-100), Triple-Time Service (100-111).

Sources: Thomas Tallis: Short Service (83-100).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

While some of Byrd's anthems are contrafacta of his Latin motets, two others are known to borrow from works by other composers. The opening of How long shall mine enemies shares melodic and organizational features with Tallis's I call and cry and Byrd models the conclusion ("But my trust is in thy mercy") on the corresponding section ("Forget my wickedness") of his predecessor, quoting the last three measures quite literally. Although the soprano and alto parts of William Hunnis's verse anthem Alack when I looke back are lost, it can still clearly be recognized as the model of Byrd's setting of the same text. Both compositions correspond in terms of form, melodic material, and techniques, such as quotation of the preexistent tune in an inner part at parallel places. Byrd, however, expands the choruses at the end of each verse and enhances the contrapuntal workmanship.

Works: Byrd: How long shall mine enemies (282-87), Alack, when I look back (295-99), All ye people clap your hands (302), Arise, O Lord, why sleepest thou (302), Behold I bring you glad tidings (302), Behold now praise the Lord (302), Be not wroth very sore (302), Blessed art thou, O Lord (302), Let not our prayers (303), Let not thy wrath (303), Let us arise (302), Lift up your heads (303), O Lord, give ear (303), O Lord turn thy wrath (303).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

The anonymous popular ballad As I Went to Walsingham frequently appeared as thematic material in sixteenth-century instrumental compositions. Examples for lute solo include theme and variation sets such as Francis Cutting's Walsingham, John Dowland's Walsingham, Edward Collard's Walsingham, and John Marchant's Walsingham. Examples for keyboard (harpsichord or virginal) include William Byrd's Have With You to Walsinghame. In addition to sharing the same thematic material (the As I Went to Walsingham melody) these compositions often shared similar or identical melodic fragments, called "figures," that were perhaps specific to compositions based on the Walsingham melody. This shared use of musical figures is perhaps analogous to the way in which poets such as Sir Walter Raleigh would adopt literary phrases from other poets when writing about similar subjects.

Works: Cutting: Walsingham (20-21); Collard: As I Went to Walsingham (22, 27); John Dowland: Walsingham (22-24); John Marchant: Walsingham (23-24); Byrd: Have With You to Walsinghame (26-28).

Sources: Anonymous: As I Went to Walsingham (19-36).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

The phrases (Mottetenköpfe) opening each of the two sections of Palestrina's madrigal Vestiva i colli are both easily memorable melodies that also appear in old German and Dutch folksongs such as Es fur ein maidlein übern see (corresponding to part one of the madrigal) or Maudit soit and Ach herziges K. (both by Isaac, corresponding to part two). Thus they are very apt to structure Palestrina's Missa Vestiva i colli and appear at the beginning of significant sections of the Mass movements. Palestrina, however, does not restrict himself to the two opening phrases, but occasionally also draws upon inner sections. Several changes adjust the borrowings to the sacred character (Devotio christiana) of the Mass: slower tempo (mensuration), avoidance of leap, and simplification of the declamation. If Palestrina maintains leaps, they can be interpreted as expressions of joyful passages, as they occur in the "Gloria." Moser discusses six more Masses built on Palestrina's Vestiva i colli. While Giovanni Maria Nanino drew on both the Mass and the madrigal, Ruggiero Giovanelli used only the former. The madrigal furnishes the material for the remaining Masses (see list below). Moser believed that Felice Anerio also based his work on Vestiva i colli, an assumption the author had to correct two issues later (p. 376). Anerio's Mass borrows from Palestrina's eight-part motet Laudate dominum omnes gentes. Palestrina's madrigal influenced even completely different genres. Nikolaus Bleyer's Vestiva [i] colli del Palestrina: Modo di Passeggiar con diverse inventionj non regolati al Canto for violin (from around 1620, according to Moser) paraphrases especially the beginning of its model in a virtuosic way.

Works: Palestrina: Missa Vestiva i colli (132-37); Nanino: Missa Vestiva i colli (137-41); Giovanelli: Missa Vestiva i colli (137-41); Belli: Missa Vestiva i colli (141-42); Nucius: Missa super Vestiva i colli (143-44); Biondi (Cesena): Missa Vestiva i colli (144-47); Rudolph de Lasso: Missa Vestiva i colli (148-49); Anerio: Missa Laudate Dominum omnes gentes (149-52, 376); Bleyer: Vestiva [i] colli del Palestrina (152-54); Banchieri: La pazzia senile (376).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The author only considers those songs as contrafacta for which the original text is still clearly recogizable or indicated by a marginal note. Sacred contrafacta were intended to supplant their secular models: replacing their offensive texts while saving the melodies. The latter often deviate considerably from the originals, of which there may be several versions. These deviations include melodic variants, modulations to other keys in the second half of the song, and the elimination of phrases. Laufenberg: Ich weiss eine stolze maget vin, ein edle künegin (355f.); Es taget minnencliche die sünn der gnaden vol (356); Ich wölt daz ich do heime wer (356f.); Ein lerer ruoft vil lut us hohen sinnen (357); from the Hohenfurter Liederbuch: Wolauf, wir wollens wecken (358); Hätt ich die Gnad, so wollt ich mich aufschwingen (358); Ich sich den Morgensterne (358); Philippsen der Jüngere zu Winnenberg und Beilstein: Frisch auf in Gottes Namen, Du werde Teutsche Nation (360); Mir ist ein liebes Meidelein Gefalln in meinen Sinn (360); Wiewohl ich schwach und elend bin, So hab' ich doch ein' steten Sinn (360); So wünsch ich euch ein gute Nacht (360); from the collection of Louis Pinck (Verklingende Weisen): Der himmlische Jäger (361); Ich weiss ein schönes Himmelreich (363); from the collection of Bäumker (Das katholische deutsche Kirchenlied in seinen Singweisen): Der geistlichen Meyen, Alt (363); Waris: Es scheint die Sonn am Himmel (365); Ich verlang ein Braut zu werden (366); Gute Meinung (367).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Variations, which often use borrowed material, fall into the following seven historical categories: (1) Renaissance and Baroque variations on secular songs, dances, and arias; (2) Renaissance and Baroque variations on plainchant and chorales; (3) the Baroque basso ostinato variation; (4) the ornamental variation of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; (5) the nineteenth-century character variation; (6) the nineteenth-century basso ostinato variation; and (7) the free variation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Variations also fall into two basic plans, structural and free. Variations in categories (1) through (6) above followed the older structural plan, in which basic relationships of parts, sections, and phrases in the theme were preserved in the variations. By the early twentieth century, variations were constructed in two ways: following the structural plan and following the newer free plan, in which basic relationships of sections and phrases in the theme were disregarded. Generally, the most conspicuous elements of themes most emphatically demand change. Rhythm is the most conspicuous element, and thus must be varied the most. The melodic subject is second most conspicuous. The harmonico-structural frame is least conspicuous, was historically generally retained, and therefore may be considered as the substance of the theme. All variations are committed to the task of securing unity within a manifold. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries there was a growing trend toward the use of original themes. Renaissance and Baroque themes were frequently borrowed from dances and secular songs. In the ornamental variation, borrowed themes continued to include the dance piece and the popular song and also included the operatic excerpt. In the nineteenth-century character variation, neither the secular song nor the operatic aria were important sources of borrowed themes. Instead, composers used instrumental works (such as suites and sonatas) and instrumentally conceived themes from members of their own circles. Despite the trend toward the use of original themes, borrowed themes, including folk songs, still persisted in the free variation.

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: Daniel Bertram

Index Classifications: 1500s

Modeled after the Latin devotional song Laus tibi, Christe, the religious folksong O du armer Judas became one of the most commonly used sources of Protestant contrafacta during the German Reformation. In the early decades of the sixteenth century, this melody was linked with Lutheran accusations of Catholic corruption. Martin Luther himself even wrote a contrafactum of the song in 1541 to criticize Duke Heinrich of Braunschweig. The poetic form of this Judaslied became so popular that textual borrowings of the first verse could arouse associations of the simple tune. As Ludwig Senfl was composer to a Catholic court in Bavaria, it is surprising that he would take the risk of creating a polyphonic vocal setting of the Judaslied. Although there is no concrete evidence of a religious conversion to Lutheranism, Senfl did exchange letters with Martin Luther and composed music for the Protestant Duke Albrecht of Prussia. Senfl's quasi-canonic setting was probably not used in folk processions and it is most likely that the work was not performed in Bavaria, although it was preserved there in manuscript.

Works: Folksong: O du armer Judas (199-210); Ludwig Senfl: O du armer Judas (217-25).

Sources: Folksong: O du armer Judas (199-210); Latin devotional song: Laus tibi, Christe (200).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Index Classifications: 1500s

Monteverdi's famous madrigal setting of Battista Guarini's text from Il pastor fido, "Cruda Amarilli," places him within a tradition of Cruda Amarilli madrigals, but also sets him apart in his overt modeling on Marenzio's setting of the same text and on the madrigal book in which it is found, Settimo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (1595). The four most prominent Cruda Amarilli madrigals, by Giaches de Wert, Marenzio, Monteverdi, and Benedetto Pallavicino, are clearly interrelated musically through motivic, structural, harmonic, and textural similarities. The Marenzio and Wert settings, while borrowing from each other as well, can be viewed as clear models for Monteverdi and Pallavicino. Yet the prominent similarities between Monteverdi's and Marenzio's Cruda Amarilli settings must be approached through a contextualization within their relative madrigal books. In a comparison of these two books, it is evident that Monteverdi paid close attention to Marenzio's use and organization of Pastor fido texts and constructed his own book accordingly. Such a clear case of modeling could be attributed to Monteverdi's desire to promote himself within the Ferrarese and Mantuan courts and to create connections with intellectual and patronage circles specifically linked to Marenzio. Thus, Monteverdi places himself within a tradition of madrigal settings while simultaneously forging a distinct relationship with Marenzio in an effort to promote his career and to ally himself with another well-respected composer of the day.

Works: Giaches de Wert: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Marenzio: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Benedetto Pallavicino: Cruda Amarilli (320-26); Monteverdi: Cruda Amarilli (320-28), Quinto libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (328-36).

Sources: Giaches de Wert: Cruda Amarilli (316-20); Marenzio: Cruda Amarilli (316-20), Settimo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (328-33).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

In typical discussions of Renaissance polyphonic repertoire, counterpoint and harmony prevailed as indicators of “tonal” structure, but investigating melodic considerations in conjunction with the eight church modes might reveal connections between these tonal structures. Josquin constructed his masses in one of three ways: incorporating a liturgical cantus firmus, incorporating a secular work, or basing the mass primarily on canonic devices. Cadences occur on structurally important pitches determined by the division of the octave into species of a fifth and fourth (final and co-final) as well as the tuba (recitation tone). Stranger tonal structures are created by either transposing the cantus firmus or highlighting an important pitch in the cantus firmus outside the expected tonal structure. The mode of the cantus firmus can confirm the modal structure of the work, as is the case with Missa de Beata Virgine which has different finals in the individual movements, reflecting the different finals of the borrowed chant melodies used in the work. Table 2 (203-20) includes detailed information on cadential plans in all twenty of Josquin’s masses.

Works: Josquin: Missa La sol fa re mi (202), Missa Una musque de Buscaya (202, 228, 237), Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (202, 228-30), Missa Ave maris stella (202, 221-23), Missa L’ami Baudichon (221, 223-24, 228), Missa Ad fugam (221, 225-26), Missa Sine nomine (221, 227-28, 233, 237), Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae (228), Missa D’ung aultre amer (228), Missa Da pacem (228), Missa Gaudeamus (228, 231-36, 238), Missa Faisant regretz (228, 231-32), Missa de Beata Virgine (238-39).

Sources: Alexander Agricola: Si dedero (221).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Devin Chaloux

Index Classifications: 1500s

Though Cavazzoni's canzona for keyboard entitled Plus ne regres has been previously connected to Josquin's Plus nulz regretz, a stronger case can be made that this piece was actually based on Josquin's Plusieurs regretz. In his version, Cavazzoni preserves the opening points of imitation and overall structure of the piece, using this as a point of departure for the composition. The melodic material in the opening is ornamented but clearly recognizable. This is clearly not a mere intabulation for keyboard, but a paraphrase or parody of Josquin's work.

Works: Cavazzoni: Plus ne regres.

Sources: Josquin: Plusieurs regretz.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Busnois's version of In meinem Sin is used in a sixteenth-century painting by Antoniszoon, entitled Banquet of Seventeen Members of the Civic Guard. Busnois's treatment of the melody is in turn interesting, for it illustrates an attempt at imitative counterpoint, the technique chosen instead of the more traditional cantus firmus structure. In Meinem Sin was a popular tune, existing in many languages, and was known throughout all levels of society.

Works: Anonymous: Bien soiez venu/Alleluya a mi faul canter (double chanson) (138-42); Gombert: Alleluya my fault chanter (1529) (142); Mathias Greiter: In meinem Sinn mir gefällt (143).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Marc Moskovitz

The tune In meinem Sin and a second French version entitled Entre je suis en grant pensee are shown to serve as the melody for thirteen polyphonic compositions of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The similarities between the versions are discussed, as are the methods of their incorporation into the various compositions. In particular, Josquin's setting illustrates his preeminence among his contemporaries.

Works: Busnois: In myne zynn; Agricola: In minen sin; Isaac: In meinem sinn; Finck: In meinem sinn; Greiter: In mijnen sinn; Anonymous: In mynem zin; Schnellinger: Quodlibet; Josquin: Entre suis en grant pensee,Entre je suis; Prioris: Par vous je suis.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Marc Moskovitz

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The Spanish Pange lingua in Mode V known only on the Iberian peninsula has been set repeatedly by Spanish keyboard composers, revealing the change of styles and techniques over three centuries. Early settings of the hymn, including ten by Antonio de Cabezón, range from ornamented intabulations to works written in an idiomatic instrumental style. Seventeenth-century settings by Manuel Rodrigues Coelho and Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia often use a three-part texture with a slow-moving melody surrounded by faster figuration. The sixty settings by Juan Cabanilles vary from pieces using simple rhythmic motives to more complex pieces with dense imitation. In a tiento by Cabanilles, the hymn tune begins buried in the tenor before it migrates to the other voices, gradually exposing the basis of the composition. In a setting by Vincente Rodríguez, the lower voices are registered separately on the organ to oppose the treble parts. A more fugal treatment of the hymn can be seen in José Lidón's setting from the eighteenth century, where motives derived from the hymn are developed as subjects of a large fugue. Although the use of the hymn declined by the nineteenth century, pianistic settings by Hilarión Eslava and Nicolás Ledsma are found in an anthology of organ music from 1854. The short survey of keyboard settings of the hymn shows a wide spectrum of styles: intabulations in ricercar style, divided-register pieces, sophisticated fugues, and nineteenth-century pianistic styles.

Works: Cabezón: Pange lingua (67); Heredia: La reina de los Pange linguas (68); Cabanilles: Tiento de Pange lingua (68); Rodríguez: Pange lingua de mano izquierda (68); Lidón: Fuga sobre el Pange lingua (69).

Sources: Pange lingua from the Liber Processionarius Regularis Observantiae Ordinis Cisterciensis, 1569 (66).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey

Of the fifteen known Masses by Porta, six are freely composed, six are cantus firmus Masses, and three are parody Masses. It is possible that some of the freely composed Masses are parodies of unidentified models. Following a comparison between Palestrina's and Porta's borrowing techniques, five of Porta's parody Masses are presented in detail: Missa Secundi toni, based on Palestrina's madrigal "Vestiv' i colli"; Missa Tertii toni, on Rore's madrigal "Com' havran fin le dolorose tempre"; Missa Descendit angelus, on a motet by Hilaire Penet; Missa Quemadmodum, on an unidentified model; and Missa Audi filia, on a five-voice motet by Gombert. The essence of Porta's borrowing technique lies in extraction of motives from the model; literal use of the borrowed motives, most frequently in the bass; modification of the motives by melodic and rhythmic alteration, telescoping, and fragmentation; imitation in all or some voices; and simultaneous exploitation of all the voices of the model.

Works: Porta: Missa Secundi toni (214-16), Missa Tertii toni (214, 216-17), Missa Audi filia (217-20, 225), Missa Descendit angelus (912-25), Missa Quemadmodum (225-26, 228).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Alfredo Colman

A detailed discussion of Palestrina's choice of borrowed materials (the pre-compositional procedure), using his Missa Salvum me fac as an example, notes the fundamental fact of his borrowing of motives from only one model point of imitation in the model at a time, and six other factors. A detailed discussion of Palestrina's use of those materials (the compositional procedures), using his Missa Nigra sum as an example, notes the differences between model and Mass in density of texture and integration of non-motivic counterpoint. The most common and essential type of polyphonic borrowing in Palestrina's arsenal of parody procedures is his borrowing and transformation of contrapuntal relationships between motive entries.

Works: Palestrina: Missa Salvum me fac (200-10); Missa Nigra sum (211-16).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jean Pang

Index Classifications: 1500s

A system of graphs is used to facilitate a study of the relationship between a motet and a Mass that is based on it using sixteenth-century parody technique. In the graphs, relationships not immediately apparent from looking at the score become clear, such as the borrowing of the entire complex of a motive and the points of imitation that accompany it, or the relationships among points of imitation that enable them to be combined contrapuntally in a particular manner. The motet Salvum me fac by Jacquet of Mantua and the parody Mass of the motet by Palestrina serve as examples in the graphing process.

Index Classifications: General, 1500s

Contributed by: Nancy Kinsey Totten

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The motets of Francisco Guerrero, many of which were published in multiple editions with his direct involvement, present an unusual opportunity to study the composer’s revision process. The scope of Guerrero’s revisions ranges from minor changes to substantial recomposition, and these revisions reveal the variety—and inconsistency—of his approach to composition. Guerrero’s motets were issued in four major collections published in Seville in 1555 and Venice in 1570, 1589, and 1597. The most substantial revisions were done on motets first appearing in the 1555 collection. Many motets first appearing in 1570 also received some degree of reworking in later editions. Just one motet appearing in both the 1589 and 1597 collections was substantially altered, however. Some motets also appeared in publications outside of the major collections and display intermediary revisions. One of the most substantial reworkings was done to the five-voice setting of Beatus es, which between the 1555 and 1589 publications was shortened from 73 to 58 breves, eliminating repetition and improving the pacing of the text. Guerrero also revised his motets to reflect his evolving views on text setting, correcting “problems” with the placement of stressed and unstressed syllables. Revisions to a passage in Dum complerentur (1589, originally printed in 1555) demonstrate Guerrero’s aim of modernizing and improving counterpoint and sonority in addition to text setting. Besides the well-documented motets, Guerrero’s habit of revision is evident in other genres he composed in as well. Although a full account of how Guerrero’s revision practice compares to his contemporaries is out of reach, consideration of his work does inform investigations of composition, chronology, style, and print dissemination of motets.

Works: Francisco Guerrero: Beatus es et bene tibi erit, 1589 version (31-38), Ambulans Jesus, 1570 version (39-40, 42-43), Dum complerentur, 1589 version (40-41, 47-50), Trahe me post te, 1589 version (40-44), Usquequo Domine, 1570 version (42), Gloriose confessor Domini, 1570 version (44-46)

Sources: Francisco Guerrero: Beatus es et bene tibi erit, 1555 version (31-38), Ambulans Jesus, 1555 version (39-40, 42-43), Dum complerentur, 1555 version (40-41, 47-50), Trahe me post te, 1555 version (40-44), Usquequo Domine, 1566 version (42), Gloriose confessor Domini, 1555 version (44-46)

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

An attempt to broach the controversy over the monophony of the vocal music contained in MSS f.fr. 9346 (Le Manuscrit de Bayeux) and f.fr. 12744 in the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale considers (1) the related theories of Gerold and Bukofzer that the collections do not contain monophonic chansons but are made up of parts extracted from polyphonic compositions and (2) similar research on MS 4379 and the Tournai Chansonnier. The authors provide a list of the forty-eight polyphonic sources consulted in tracking down the melodies and a chart that lists the differences for all compositions examined. The melodies of Bayeux and 12744 are not mere voice-parts extracted from polyphonic compositions; those that appear elsewhere in polyphonic settings are the pre-existent bases of these works rather than transcriptions arranged from them.

Works: Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS f.fr. 9346 (Le Manuscrit de Bayeux); Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS f.fr. 12744; Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS n.a.fr. 4379 (4, 5, 7); Tournai Chansonnier (5, 7).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Jean Pang

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Sixteenth-century Seville was a learned, cosmopolitan city in which education focused on the subjects of the trivium, including rhetoric. Imitation of a model and transfer by analogy were important elements of rhetoric, the goal of which was to teach, persuade, and move. Juan Bermudo's five-volume treatise Declaración de instrumentos (1555) presents its theoretical remarks in the language of rhetoric, offering examples from Morales as models to be followed. Morales, in turn, praised Bermudo's treatise for showing theory and practice "coming together in consonance and proportion." Morales's own Missarum liber secundus of 1544 includes a full range of stylistic traits, with the individual masses arranged in a proper rhetorical scheme.

Works: Cristóbal de Morales: Missarum liber secundus (240-43).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

A new interpretation and dating of Josquin's Missa Hercules dux ferrariae is possible based on evidence that in composing the famous hexachordal motive for the mass, Josquin alluded to the works of other composers. Allusion is a form of play that provided fifteenth-century composers an opportunity to show their wit and learning and to imbue their compositions with symbolic meaning as Josquin did in Missa Faisant regrets. Though Josquin constructed the motto from the vowels of Duke Ercole's name, he could have adapted the motto from a phrase in Walter Frye's Missa Nobilis et pulchra and the opening phrase from an anonymous Marian composition Salve regis mater (possibly by Marbriano de Orto). Josquin's motive alludes to the contratenor part of Frye's mass, a phrase that appears only once in Frye's entire work on the words "ex Maria virgine." The motivic resemblances between Josquin's Missa Hercules, the anonymous Salve regis mater, and Frye's Missa Nobilis infuse Missa Hercules with Marian symbolism, resonating with Ercole's religious devotion to the Virgin Mary. Josquin's allusions to these masses and his modeling both on Antoine Brumel's hexachordal Missa Ut re mi fa sol la and Agricola's song-motet Si dedero additionally suggest a later dating of 1503 for the mass. The connections between Missa Hercules and the above pieces thus illuminate the Marian associations of the work and support an early sixteenth-century dating.

Works: Josquin: Missa Hercules dux ferrariae (91-110), Missa faisants regrets (94-97).

Sources: Walter Frye: Missa Nobilis et pulchra (93, 97-101), Tout a par moy (94, 102-3); Anonymous/De Orto?: Salve regis mater (93, 99); Antoine Brumel: Missa Ut re mi fa sol la (105-6); Agricola: Si dedero (106-7).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

A prominently depicted theme in Medieval liturgy, religious art and drama, and folkloric practices was that of Genesis 3:15, in which a savior of humankind crushes the head of the serpent (i.e., the Devil). This promise of the victory of good over evil is represented musically in three fifteenth-century polyphonic masses and a Marian polyphonic motet. These four works use as a cantus firmus the melisma on the word “caput” (head) from the Sarum antiphon Venit ad Petrum. Therefore, incorporation of this melisma (which represents the “head” of the serpent) creates a specific meaning (the conquering of the devil/sin by Christ or the Virgin Mary) that unites these four seemingly disparate works.

A Caput mass by an anonymous English composer served as progenitor of two other masses composed on the same cantus firmus: Missa Caput by Ockeghem, composed in the late 1450s, and a Missa Caput composed by Obrecht in the late 1480s. Ockeghem’s use of canon, Obrecht’s migration of the Caput melisma through all voices of his mass, and both composers’ employment of the cantus firmus in the lowest voice (thereby creating unusual harmonies) serve as musical illustrations of the struggle and ultimate victory of Christ and the Virgin Mary over the Devil. While the Caput mass tradition died out by end of the fifteenth century, Richard Hygons set the Marian text Salve regina to the Caput melody around 1500, tying in the increasing importance of the cult of the Virgin Mary with existing traditions of Mary as “she who crushes the dragon’s head.”

Works: Anonymous: Missa Caput (537-41, 567-72, 581-84, 595-602); Ockeghem: Missa Caput (539-41, 567-72, 581-91, 595-602); Obrecht: Missa Caput (539-41, 567-72, 581-84, 592-602); Richard Hygons: Salve regina (598-600).

Sources: Anonymous: Missa Caput (537-41, 567-72, 581-84, 595-602); Anonymous (Sarum antiphon): Venit ad Petrum (541-72, 581-84).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Et in spiritum, which appears in a Vatican manuscript (VatS 154, compiled around 1550) as a mass section--and may be a setting of the missing text, "Et in spiritum," in the Credo from Josquin's Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales--provides an unusual case of musical borrowing in mid-sixteenth century Rome that includes compositional archaism, in contrast with the new mass sections written in contemporary styles far from Josquin. Evidence against Josquin's authorship of Et in spiritum is provided by some features atypical of Josquin, including the repeated text underlay in a single line and the dense texture with close imitation, features that are associated with sixteenth-century compositional characteristics and thus a composer later than Josquin. The differences are not, however, a dramatic departure from Josquin's style. Rather, some correspondences between the Et in spiritum and Josquin?s mass, including structural correspondences in the cantus firmus treatment and a similar use of continuous manipulation of motivic units at various levels, suggest that the composer made a careful study of Josquin's mass and consciously imitated it. This borrowing process reflects an attempt to "complete" and "augment" Josquin's mass, in contrast with the modernizing tendencies in the new mass compositions, thus reflecting interaction between old and new in the mid-sixteenth century papal chapel.

Works: Anonymous, Et in spiritum (VatS 154) (420-35, 438-41).

Sources: Josquin: Missa L?homme armé super voces musicales (424-35, 438-41).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Hyun Joo Kim

The L’homme armé tradition is perhaps the best example of musical borrowing in Renaissance music, but we know very little about the reasoning behind most of the masses in the tradition. Cultural associations for L’homme armé are difficult to pick out and likely forgotten about by new generations of composers, leaving aesthetics, not politics, as the justification for compositional techniques. Three masses set the precedent for the L’homme armé tradition: the settings of Du Fay, Ockeghem, and Regis, all ca. 1460. Each setting caused a number of successive composers to imitate their musical devices. As more L’homme armé masses were written, composers looked to more recent models than the original three, or they set a unique path entirely. Fifteenth-century composers often attempted to outclass each other while simultaneously being part of the shared L’homme armé tradition. The term “borrowing” is problematic when it comes to these masses, as it implies intentionality, which cannot be firmly established in many instances. Caution must be taken when discussing this music in terms of borrowing because it was common for composers to memorize stock phrases and follow strict compositional rules in this era. Furthermore, masses with “borrowing” are not inherently more interesting than those without, and thus should not be privileged in critical discourse. With this ambiguity surrounding “borrowing,” “echo” might be a more neutral and encompassing way to describe the transformations of shared material in the L’homme armé tradition.

Works: Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Firminus Caron: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Guillaume Faugues: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Anonymous (Naples I-VI): Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Busnoys: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Anonymous (Bologna Q.16): Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Tinctoris: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Loyset Compére: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Obrecht: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Philippe Basiron: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Marbrianus de Orto: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (74-75), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (72, 74-75); Brumel: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); La Rue: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Bertrandus Vaqueras: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75).

Sources: Anonymous: L’homme armé (69-70); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sarah Kirkman, Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

The three works Isaac composed for the Maximilian court that quote the chant Virgo prudentissima represent a thematic unit adhering to the ideological and liturgical goals of the court, acting as a grand plea to the Virgin Mary. The antiphon Virgo prudentissima is liturgically appropriate because it glorifies Mary and her Assumption and Coronation, which is symbolically aligned with Maximilian’s coronation. In his six-voice Virgo prudentissima motet, Isaac emphasizes key phrases in the cantus firmus that directly address Mary by shifting into a homorhythmic style. Like the unusually grand motet, Missa Virgo prudentissima is unusual in Isaac’s work. It is Isaac’s only six-voice cyclic Mass based on a chant, but its earliest source is in a collection of six-voice polyphony and alternatim Masses, suggesting an alternatim reconstruction of the Mass is possible. The shared use of the Virgo prudentissima and other stylistic similarities between the coronation motet and the mass would call to mind Maximilian’s coronation during the annual performance of the Mass on the Feast of the Assumption. This strong connection between the Virgo prudentissima antiphon and the Maximilian court in Isaac’s work suggests that music found in manuscript CCII, thought to be composed exclusively for the Cathedral of Constance, could have been used at Maximilian’s court as well. The Introit Gaudeamus omnes V. Exaltata es contains a conspicuous use of Virgo prudentissima as a secondary cantus firmus, connecting this Introit to the Maximilian court compositions. Taken as a unit, these Virgo prudentissima compositions work to appeal to the Virgin Mary directly as the protector of Maximilian, aligning with his cultivated image as the Wise King.

Works: Isaac: Virgo prudentissima (six-voice motet) (48-57), Missa Virgo prudentissima (57-67), Gaudeamus omnes V. Exaltata es (67-73)

Sources: Antiphon: Virgo prudentissima (48-73)

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Many of the works of Pierre de la Rue have been mistakenly ascribed to Josquin des Prez. A comparison of key compositional techniques in their four-voice masses may reveal why this error occurred so frequently. Few differences in cantus firmus treatment can be found between the composers, with both using the borrowed material fairly literally, in extended note values, as the basis for an ostinato pattern, or as a basis for melismatic elaboration. Both composers make frequent use of the motto technique as a means of unification within masses. In their early parody masses, both composers tended to borrow from individual voices rather than an entire polyphonic source, although La Rue borrowed more heavily from all voices later in his career. Since their treatment of borrowed material is similar in many cases, an examination of differences in melodic development is more useful for distinguishing between the styles of these two composers.

Works: Josquin: Missa L'homme armé (370, 371), Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales (370, 371): La Rue: Missa L'homme armé (370, 371), Missa Cum jucunditate (371, 373), Missa Puer natus (371), Missa Nunqua fué pena maior (371, 372): Josquin: Missa Allez regretz (371), Missa Ave maris stella (371), Missa Ad fugum (371), Missa Di dadi (371), Missa L'ami Baudichon (371), Missa Malheur me bat (372), Missa Fortuna desperata (372), Missa Mater patris (372), Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae (372), Missa La sol fa re mi (372), Missa Faisant regretz (372); La Rue: Missa Incessament (372), Missa Ave sanctissima Maria (372, 375), Missa Almana (373, 374).

Sources: Hayne van Ghizeghem: Allez regretz (371); Ockeghem: Malheur me bat (372); Busnois: Fortuna desperata (372).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

“Missae Parodiae”—masses which take their sources in polyphonic works—are misleadingly named, as their sources are not parodied, but used as points of departure for the mass. Burgundian composers of Ockeghem’s generation began using secular sources such as the chanson rather than other masses as the sources for their own elaborative masses. By the 1500s, the liturgical motet became the primary source for elaborative masses, a practice which was also taken up by French composers.

Works: Ockeghem: Fors seullement (7); Heinrich Isaac: O Praeclara (7); Antonine Févin: Ave Maria (8), Sancta Trinitas (8); Pierre de la Rue: Ave Sanctissima Maria (8).

Sources: Ockheghem: Fors seullement (7); Agricola: Si dedero (7); Busnois: Le Serviteur (7); Heinrich Issac: Rogamus te (7); Josquin: Mente tota (8).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Maria Fokina

Although evidence suggests that the pairing of sacred works by Tudor composers was a popular compositional practice, the extensive loss of music from this period makes it difficult to discern to what degree this actually occurred. Of the surviving works that have been paired according to musical or textual similarities, a large number appear to have been written for specific liturgical or government-related celebrations. The sacred works involved in these groupings include cyclic masses, votive antiphons, and Magnificats, and it is the mass-antiphon pairs that have survived in greatest number. The degree to which each pair is related varies greatly, from a pair sharing the same cantus firmus, to a pair containing extensive cross-quotation, to a pair in which the similarities are vague enough to be considered coincidental. A more thorough investigation of techniques and purposes for the grouping of sacred works is needed to determine the historical importance of this practice.

Works: (listed as pairs or groupings): Aston: Missa Te matrem Dei and Te matrem Dei (9, 11); Taverner: Missa Mater Christi and Mater Christi (9, 12), Small Devotion Mass and O Christe Jesu (9, 12); Fayrfax: Missa Albanus and O Maria Deo grata (9, 11); Tallis: Missa Puer natus and Suscipe quaeso (9,12); Fayrfax: Missa O bone Jesu and O bone Jesu (antiphon and Magnificat) (10, 11), Missa Regali ex progenie, Gaude flore virginali, and Regale (10, 11); Tye: Missa Euge bone and Quaesumus omnipotens (10, 12); Ludford: Missa Inclina and Ave Maria ancilla Trinitatis (11), Missa Bendicta et venerabilis and Benedicta (11); Pashe: Missa Christus resurgens and Magnificat (11-12); Tallis: Missa Salve intemerata and Salve intemerata (12).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Many Renaissance composers borrowed musical materials in their compositions. In these cases, the borrowed material is often the first musical idea, offering the opportunity to reconstruct the compositional process. By using modular analysis, analysts can investigate areas where small-scale contrapuntal combinations repeat. Then, the composition can be retraced, informing the analyst on the compositional processes and goals of individual composers. To demonstrate the usefulness of this method of analysis, two Kyrie movements (one by Lassus and one by Palestrina) based on Johannes Lupi’s Je suys desheritée are compared. Lassus used the material to extend the length of the model by inserting new material. Palestrina, on the other hand, aimed for density by squeezing motives from the model together to create a thicker texture.

Works: Lassus: Missa Je suis desheritée; Palestrina: Missa Je suis déshéritée.

Sources: Johannes Lupi: Je suys desheritée.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Devin Chaloux

Index Classifications: 1500s

Documents from the Gonzaga Archives in Mantua demonstrate that Guglielmo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, was a composer of some repute who produced madrigals, motets, and magnificats. Letters reveal the publication and reception history of these works, including instances of musical borrowing. Gonzaga’s madrigals and motets have been identified with two anonymous collections that were published in 1583 by Gardane of Venice. The madrigals were utilized by Ludovico Agostini and Girolamo Belli d’Argenta in their own collections, Lagrime del peccatore (1586) and Furti amorisi (1587), respectively. Because Agostini and Belli attributed these borrowings to Gonzaga, their compositions further strengthen assertions by Einstein and Gallico, among other scholars, that the anonymous works published by Gardane are indeed by Gonzaga.

Works: Ludovico Agostini: Lagrime del peccatore (121-22); Girolamo Belli d’Argenta: Furti amorisi (122).

Sources: Guglielmo Gonzaga: Padre che’l ciel (120-22), Madrigals (122).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Intabulating polyphonic music for the keyboard presents certain problems of representation, whether the transcriptions are sixteenth-century arrangements or twentieth-century modern editions. While an intabulation is often thought of as a representation of the original work, in some cases, it might be better to consider it as a recomposition of its source.

Works: Jacques Buus: Recercar primo, Intabulatura d’organo (89); Anonymous (transcriber), Frescobaldi (composer): Capriccio sopra un soggetto in Ravenna, Biblioteca comunale classense, MS Class. 545, fol. 27 (89-90).

Sources: Jacques Buus: Recercar primo, Secondo libro (89); Frescobaldi: Capriccio sopra un soggetto (89-90).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: General, 1500s, 1600s, 1900s

Housed in the Chiesa Collegiata at Castell’Arquato are keyboard intabulations of vocal works (among them transcriptions of madrigals and sacred pieces) that were crafted by a single, anonymous hand. Three pieces within Fascicles IV and VI of these intabulations, along with their models, can be used to demonstrate that the intabulator performs multiple functions that range from transcription to interpolation and recombination. The seventy-year transmission of the four-voice hymn Fit porta Christi displays numerous stylistic changes. Magnificat was modeled upon two different Magnificats, with odd-numbered verses modeled after an unknown source and even-numbered verses modeled upon a Magnificat by Lasso. O gloriosa domina stitches together borrowings from Willaert. Consequently, each of these three pieces maintains an idiomatic relationship with its models.

Works: Anonymous: Canti donque (133-35), Assumpta est Maria (135-37), Ego dormio (137), Adoramus te, Christe (138-39), Fit porta Christi (139-43), Magnificat (143-45), O gloriosa domina (145-49).

Sources: Anonymous: Fit porta Christi (139-42), Magnificat (143-45); Lasso: Magnificat primi toni (143-45); Willaert: O gloriosa domina—Maria, mater gratie (145-49).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

In the years following Parliament's approval of the Act of Supremacy in 1534, strong restrictions were placed on composers of Latin music in England. This obstacle may have encouraged many musicians to focus their attention on instrumental music. Even though John Taverner never composed any instrumental music, his Missa Gloria tibi Trinitas had a strong effect on the rise of consort music in England in the second half of the sixteenth century. The Mass is based on the antiphon Gloria tibi Trinitas, which is heard in the medius voice throughout each of the four movements. The opening of each movement also contains a head motive. This motive begins with a rising minor third, which refers to the opening interval of the original plainsong. Transcriptions of one section of the Sanctus appear in many manuscripts, with different instrumentation. This In Nomine section, named after the text of the original passage in Taverner's Mass, can be found in arrangements for keyboard, viols, and voice and lute. The Mulliner Book, for example, includes a keyboard arrangement from Taverner's Mass as well as compositions by Allwood, Johnson, and others, which were derived from Taverner's setting.

Works: John Taverner: Missa Gloria tibi trinitas (218-22).

Sources: Antiphon: Gloria tibi Trinitas (218-22).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Orlande de Lassus's Primo Libro di Madrigali a cinque voci, published by Antonio Gardano in 1555, was an attempt by Lassus to write serious music in the style of the Venetian masters. He borrowed material from several of Adrian Willaert's madrigals—published only later in the Musica nova from 1559—hoping to attract notice from the Venetian clientele. Because Lassus's earlier madrigal books were published in Rome, some scholars have asserted that Book I à 5 was also printed in an earlier edition. It appears, however, that Lassus intended this manuscript to be published in Venice from the start, evidenced by its borrowings and appeal to Venetian tastes. The poetry within this work is overwhelmingly devoted to Petrarch—a distinctive characteristic in comparison with Lassus's other madrigal collections, however in keeping with Willaert's and Rore's collections. The more extensive use of chromaticism and cross relations in this collection is probably drawn from Rore, while several of Lassus's madrigals show resemblances with Willaert. In Lassus's and Willaert's settings of Pien d'un vago pensier, the melodic and harmonic similarities are striking within the prima parte. In their settings of Cantai, hor piango, both use the same tonal type and evade cadences on the E final. Lassus also uses chromaticism sparingly, following Willaert's restraint with regard to textual expression. Lassus's Book I à 5 is an effort both to pay homage to Willaert and to strengthen his prestige as a composer writing for the Venetian audience.

Works: Lassus: Pien d'un vago pensier (548-52), Cantai, hor piango (552-56).

Sources: Willaert: Pien d'un vago pensier (548-52), Cantai, hor piango (552-56).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The correspondence between the liturgical situation and musical style of motets in the sixteenth century justifies a classification of types. One can view these particular types in the music of Palestrina. The most distinctive motet form for the Mass is the sequence, which lent itself well to the motet form because of its adaptable parallel structure. Palestrina wrote twelve motets based on sequences, some of which paraphrase the borrowed material and others of which utilize homophonic textures without the chant melody. The bulk of Palestrina's motets can be divided into two main classes of antiphon and respond. In the motets utilizing an antiphon, the paraphrase technique is much more pronounced, and in the cases of Ave reginia coelorum and Salve regina, the structure of the borrowed material results in a division into two choirs. In motets in which a respond is borrowed, the works more often have clearly delineated sections, and the first section sets the text of the Respond proper and the second section sets the verse and concludes with the final lines of the respond. This structure also offers an opportunity to experiment with contrast between the sections. Palestrina's motet Libera me Domine is a respond setting that features a number of exceptional characteristics; it includes paraphrase technique although that is not commonly used in respond settings, and it distinctly sets the plainsong model in a polyphonic setting. Finally, motet settings of the psalms or canticles call for yet another treatment. In this case the eight-part chorus is typically used, the chant is not present, and the text is often set homophonically because of its extensive length.

Works: Palestrina: Alma redemptoris mater (157), Ave regina coelorum (158), Salve regina (158), Libera me Domine 159-60).

Sources: Antiphons Alma redemptoris mater (157), Ave regina coelorum (158), Salve regina (158); Respond Libera me Domine 159-60.

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Because Jacquet borrowed so extensively in his early works, musicologists may use his compositional processes as a determinant for dating his youthful compositions as well as documenting his early career. His early madrigals involve different manners of emulation. One can surmise that Altro non è il mio amor is clearly modeled after Verdelot's madrigal with the same text, as Jacquet parodied each point of imitation in the model. Cogliete delle spini from Primo libro a 4 (1555) borrows entire voices from Cipriano de Rore's Anchor che col partire. Jacquet's madrigal cycle Capriccio also employs a pastiche of popular airs. Investigation of borrowed material also may determine the authenticity of the contested Missa Altro non è il mio amor which is based on the same Verdelot madrigal mentioned above. Parody seems to be the most common trait in all of Jacquet's chansons, which are modeled after works of Certon de Villiers, Sandrin, and possibly Jannequin. The motets, on the other hand, reflect the music of earlier composers, such as Josquin and Mouton, with their use of cantus firmus and diminution.

Works: Jacquet de Berchem: Altro non è il amor (59), Cogliete delle spini (60), Capriccio (60), Missa Altro non è il amor (61), Voix de Ville, Se envieulx, et faulx rapportz (63-65), In te signis radians (63-64).

Sources: Verdelot: Altro non è il amor (59-61); Rore: Anchor che col partire (60); Sandrin: Pui que de vous (67).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Weelkes's madrigals employ a number of prominent compositional features drawn from the English style. His use of chromaticism, however, demonstrates a considerable debt to Italian musical practice. In his 1600 collection Madrigals of Five and Six Parts, especially, his use of chromaticism grew to rival that of Marenzio, having studied not only Marenzio's late chromatic works, but also Monteverdi's Il terzo libro de madrigali a cinque voci by 1600. Works by Marenzio that may have influenced Weelkes include Se la mia vita (1588) and Udite lagrimosi (1594), while Monteverdi's Rimanti in pace may have likewise had an effect on the English composer's music. However, in other ways Weelkes is indebted to the influence of other English composers like Dowland and, especially, Morley. Such influences are evident in a comparison of Weelkes's O Care though wilt despatch me with Dowland's Burst forth and Morley?s Phillis, I fain would die now. Another possible influence on Weelkes's more extreme use of chromaticism could be the keyboard and church music of Peter Philips. Thus, Weelkes's daring chromaticism can be attributed to a number of sources, the most prominent of which are the late Italian madrigalists Marenzio and Monteverdi.

Works: Thomas Weelkes: Madrigals of Five and Six Parts (2-14), O Care thou wilt despatch me (3).

Sources: Monteverdi: Il terzo libro a cinque voci (2), Rimanti in pace (11); Dowland: Burst forth (3); Thomas Morley: Phillis, I fain would die now (3); Marenzio: Se la mia vita (7), Udite lagrimosi (10).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

John Wilbye's Second Set of Madrigals from 1609 demonstrates a familiarity with two prominent Italian madrigalists at the turn of the century: Luca Marenzio and Claudio Monteverdi. More specifically, Wilbye is drawing from Marenzio's ninth book of five-voice madrigals (1599) and Monteverdi's fourth and fifth books of madrigals (1603 and 1605). The 1609 collection's tendency toward the extensive use of sequences includes two techniques that can be traced to these Italian composers. The use of a pedal sequence closely resembles Monteverd's Era l'anima mia (from the fifth book). His transposition of entire polyphonic sections recalls some of Monteverdi's music as well. Moreover, Wilbye's use of chromaticism can be traced both to the works of Monteverdi (Rimanti in pace, 1592) and to those of Marenzio (Crudele acerba, 1599; and Cruda Amarilli, 1595). Yet Wilbye's music goes beyond simple imitation in an elaboration of sequence passages and an inventive use of chromaticism that allow him to break away from his Italian models.

Works: John Wilbye: Second Set of Madrigals (1-11), Happy, O happy he (2), Change me, O heavens (3), Oft have I vowed (3), Ah, cruel Amaryllis (4).

Sources: Monteverdi: Terzo libro a cinque voci (1-2), Quarto libro a cinque voci (2), Quinto libro a cinque voci (2), Rimanti in pace (2), Era l?anima mia (2); Marenzio: Nono libro a cinque voci (2), Crudele acerba (3), Cruda Amarilli (3-4).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Elmi

[See chapter 2.]

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Scholars have distinguished between two mutually exclusive categories of sixteenth- century instrumental compositions: (1) those that are more or less elaborated versions of vocal models such as masses, motets, madrigals, and chansons and (2) fantasias or ricercares that are independent of vocal models. This distinction is imprecise and misleading because many fantasias and ricercares contain musical material derived from vocal models, usually without attribution. In comparatively rare instances a fantasia or ricercare names the title of its model, such as lute music composer Jean-Paul Paladin's Fantasia sopra Quand'io penso al martir', a fantasia based on Arcadelt's madrigal Quand'io penso al martir', or Paladin's Fantasia sopra Ave sanctissima, based on Sermisy's motet Ave sanctissima. These two works demonstrate the wide variety of compositional techniques used by fantasia composers in their approach to borrowing from vocal models, ranging from brief oblique references to lengthy passages of exact quotation. They also demonstrate that fantasia composers often mixed (apparently) original with borrowed material. It is thus not reasonable to view sixteenth century instrumental music as forming only two categories (derived from vocal music or "free"), because most of it lies somewhere between these two extremes.

Works: Paladin: Fantasia sopra Quand'io penso al martir' (20-29), Fantasia sopra Ave sanctissima (32-35).

Sources: Arcadelt: Quand'io penso al martir' (20-29); Sermisy: Ave sanctissima (32-35).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Scott Grieb

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Parody in sixteenth-century instrumental music is a variation device making use of a pre-existing, fully realized composition. Two types exist: one in which quotation and paraphrase are mixed but are presented in the same sequence as the model, and another in which thematic material is freely elaborated without regard to the structure of the model.

Works: Giuolio Severino: Fantasia . . . sopre Susane un jour (209-12); Vincenzo Galilei: Fantasia sopra Anchor che col partire (212-14); Melchior Neusidler: Fantasia super Anchor che col partire (212-14); Nicolas de la Grotte: Fantasia sopra Anchor che col partire (212-14); Antonio de Cabezón: Tiento sobre Malheur me bat (215-16); Enriquez de Valderróbano: Fantasía remediando en algunos pasos al Aspice de Gombert (216-17); Giovanni Paolo Paladino: Fantasie sur la ditte chanson (216, 218); Francesco Spinacino: Recercare a Juli amours (219-21); Luys de Narváez: Fantasía del primer tono por ge sol re ut (222, 224-25); Albert de Rippe: Fantasie (222, 224-25).

Sources: Orlando di Lasso: Susanne un jour (209-12); Cipriano de Rore: Anchor che col partire (212-14); Johannes Ockeghem: Malor me bat (215-16); Nicolas Gombert: Aspice Domine (216-17), Tu pers ton temps (222, 224-25); Jacob Arcadelt: Quand' io pens' al martire (216, 218); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Joli amours (219-21).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

For the sixteenth-century composer, intabulation of motets, madrigals, and chansons was the key to the mastery of composition. Ward distinguishes three different procedures: (1) the strict intabulation, which may nonetheless include some ornamentation, especially at the beginning where the texture is still thin; (2) the glosa, a transformation "by means of continuous diminution"; and (3) the parody or "parody by means of paraphrase." While parody implies a mixture of faithfully borrowed and original sections (Mudarra), "parody by means of paraphrase" indicates paraphrase of the themes while preserving the voice structure (Cabezón).

Works: Mudarra: Glosa of Josquin's "Cum sancto spiritu" from the Missa Beata Virgine (93-94); Palero: Tiento on Josquin's "Cum sancto spiritu" (94); Cabezón: Glosa of Josquin's "Cum sancto spiritu" from the Missa Beata Virgine (91); Tiento sobre cum sancto spiritu (Josquin) (94); parody of Willaert's Qui la dira (95); parody of Malheur me bat (95); Cavazzoni: canzona on Josquin's Faulte d'argent (95); canzona on Passereau's Il est bel et bon (95); Severino: Parody on Susanna un jour (96); Bull: Two parodies of Palestrina's Vestiva i colli (96).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Imitazione in the Renaissance can describe three distinct types of borrowing: (1) following, exemplified in the cantus-firmus technique; (2) imitation proper; and (3) emulation, implying a critical reflection on the model itself. Gesualdo and Monteverdi, despite being regarded as two of the most "original" composers of the 1590s, continued this tradition in their madrigal compositions. In choosing texts that had been previously been set, Gesualdo and Monteverdi seem to both emulate and challenge their predecessors. The techniques of emulatio of both composers range from direct quotation to borrowings of texture and rhythm, and the number of borrowings decline as their respective madrigal careers progress. By the time of Gesualdo's Book VI of 1596 and Monteverdi's Book V of 1605, both composers become fully aware of their own originality, and emulatio ceases to play a significant role in their compositions. This abatement suggests not that the form had been exhausted, but rather that composers had grown tired of imitazione. This new emphasis on the concept of originality marks a significant move away from the past. In his later madrigals, Monteverdi's borrowings thus appear to be simply acts of homage to figures whom he held in particuarly high regard.

Works: Gesualdo: From Il Primo Libro de Madrigali--Baci soavi, e cari (457); Madonna io ben vorrei (457); Non mirar (458); Son si belle le rose (460); From Il Secondo Libro de Madrigali--Caro amoroso neo (462); Dalle odorate (463); Non mi toglia il ben mio (463); From Il Terzo Libro de Madrigali--Ahi, disperata vita (466); Ancidetemi pur, grievi martiri (466). Monteverdi: From Canzonette--Canzonette d'amore (472); Son questi i crespi crini (472); Corse a la morte il povero Narcisso (472); Chi vuol veder un bosco folto (472); Io son fenice (473); Raggi, dov'è'l mio bene (473); From Libro I à 5--A che tormi il ben mio (474); Poi che del mio dolore (475); Ardo sì, ma non t'amo (476); From Libro II--Tutte le bocche belle (479); Crudel, perchè mi fuggi (480); From Libro V--Ahi, come a un vago sol (483); From Libro VIII--Hor che'l ciel e la terra (483).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Randal Tucker

Placing ferial masses within their cultural contexts illuminate particular instances of musical borrowing and appropriation. Two distinct "families" of ferial masses arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries—one in the courts of northern Europe and another at the papal chapel in Rome. In the northern courts, Pierre de la Rue's and Antoine de Févin's five-voice masses contain a canon in each movement. La Rue carefully structures the canon within the tenor voices, while Févin treats the motive freely, suggesting that he borrowed La Rue's original concept. La Rue and Févin may also have borrowed from Matthaeus Pipelare's Missa de feria, which contains canon-like writing in several sections. A separate family of four masses originated in Italy. The earliest mass is Johannes Martini's Missa ferialis, followed by three masses written for the papal chapel by Andreas Michot, Johannes Beauserron, and Palestrina. In the Kyrie movement, all four masses open with a point of imitation based on a decorated version of the Kyrie chant Melnicki 7. Palestrina also borrowed Beauserron's opening motive and took material from Michot in the remaining sections of the mass. VatS 35, the source that contains Martini's mass, is the earliest known choirbook compiled by the singers for their use. Because these pieces were sung repeatedly within the repertory, it is probable that Michot, Beauserron, and Palestrina drew ideas from the papal choir's performances. The different circumstances of the two Missa de feria "families," reflecting different historical, social, and liturgical contexts for masses, provide a tool for understanding the various instances of musical borrowing.

Works: Pierre de la Rue: Missa de feria (130-37); Antoine de Févin: Missa de feria (130-37); Andreas Michot: Missa de feria (137-40); Johannes Beauserron: Missa de feria (137-40); Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Missa de feria (137-140).

Sources: Pierre de la Rue: Missa de feria (130-37); Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de feria (136-37); Johannes Martini: Missa ferialis (137-40).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Ein feste Burg has had many adaptations. The tune came to symbolize the fighting march of the Protestants in the manner of a national anthem, such as La Marseillaise, in its popularity and rousing characteristics. Indeed, Ein feste Burg is associated with the beginning of the Reformation. The repetitive structure of the tune, its simplicity, and its declamation attracted several composers. Though questions arise about the exact date of the piece, as well as Luther's organization of the text, the historical significance of the piece emerges over the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as several composers adapt it in cantus firmus settings. Johann Walter collaborated with Luther to create a two-voice setting of the tune. Johann Kugelmann set the tune with three voices and, like Walter, placed the cantus firmus in the tenor. Martin Agricola also kept the melody in the tenor but added a fourth voice, increasing the imitative possibilities. Other settings in the sixteenth century adapt the four-voice setting and the imitative characteristics, although Lukas Osiander, Rogier Michael, and Sethus Calvisius all place the cantus firmus in the superius. Seventeenth-century settings exhibit more ornamentation, particularly by means of chromaticism, in the treatment of the cantus firmus, evinced by composers such as Bartholomaeus Gesius, David Scheidemann, and Hans Leo Hassler, who sought to increase the expression of the tune. Subsequent adaptations, such as Meyerbeer's spiritual associations in Les Huguenots and Debussy's appropriation of the chorale to represent German aggression in En blanc et noir, resemble emblematic quotations, showing the distance the tune traveled from its original Lutheran functions.

Works: Johann Walter: Ein feste Burg (127-28); Johann Kugelmann: Ein feste Burg (128-29); Martin Agricola ou Sore: Ein feste Burg (129-30); Sigmund Hemmel: Der ganze Psalter Davids (130); Lukas Osiander: Ein feste Burg (131); Rogier Michael: Ein feste Burg (131); Sethus Calvisius: Ein feste Burg (131-32); Bartholomaeus Gesius ou Gese: Ein feste Burg (132); David Scheidemann: Ein feste Burg (132); Melchior Vulpius: Ein feste Burg (133); Hassler: Kirchengesänge, Psalmen und Geistliche Lider (133); Praetorius: Musae Sioniae (134); Meyerbeer: Les Huguenots (135); Mendelssohn: Symphony No. 5 in D Minor, Reformation (135); Debussy: Suite pour deux pianos: En blanc et noir (135); Langlais: Suite oecuménique (135).

Sources: Luther: Ein feste Burg (117-26).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: Katie Lundeen

Palestrina’s Missa O regem coeli, Missa Sicut lilium inter spinas, Missa Benedicta es caelorum Regina, and Missa Quem dicunt homines, four of his over fifty imitation masses, constitute a collection of different modeling techniques. Missa O regem coeli utilizes movements from itself in a process of internal borrowing. Self-quotations from his own motet in Missa Sicut lilium inter spinas raise questions of memory and visuality. Finally, Missa Benedicta es caelorum Regina and Missa Quem dicunt homines integrate multiple sources that transmit Palestrina’s interactions with the Vatican repertory.

Works: Palestrina: Missa O regem coeli (16-56), Missa Sicut lilium inter spinas (57-111), Missa Benedicta es caelorum Regina (112-52), Missa Quem dicunt homines (153-78).

Sources: De Silva: O regem coeli (16-56); Palestrina: Missa O regem coeli (24-56), Sicut lilium inter spinas (59-111), Quam pulchri sunt (59-111); Josquin, Benedicta es caelorum Regina (113-18, 120-26, 135-45, 150-52); Piéton: Benedicta es caelorum Regina (113-20, 138-45, 150-52); Morales: Missa Benedicta es caelorum Regina (113-18, 126-45, 150-52), Missa Quem dicunt homines (153-72, 177-78); Richafort: Quem dicunt homines (153-77); Divitis: Missa Quem dicunt homines (153-72, 177-78); Mouton: Missa Quem dicunt homines (153-72, 177-78).

Index Classifications: 1500s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s

One main reason for the Dies Irae sequence's acquired fame as a leitmotif of death is its "catchy" and easily recognizable melody. Brief discussions of works using the chant note the setting and models. The polyphonic treatment illustrated by Asola and Pitoni's Requiems is traced in Liszt's Totentanz. The dance-like rhythmic treatment in Berlioz's Symphonie fantastique is applied by Saint-Saëns in his Danse Macabre. Tchaikovsky, the first Russian composer to use the Dies Irae, uses a contrapuntal device, applied before in Totentanz and later in Rachmaninoff's Toteninsel. Other works mentioned are Glazunov's Moyen Age, Miaskovsky's Sixth Symphony, Schelling's Impressions from an Artist's Life, Loeffler's Ode for One Who Fell in Battle, and Simond's unpublished Elaboration for organ.

Works: Asola: Requiem (6); Berlioz: Symphonie fantastique (6); Glazunov: Moyen Age, Op. 79 (6); Liszt: Totentanz (6); Loeffler: Ode for One Who Fell in Battle (39); Miaskovsky: Symphony No. 6 (6); Pitoni: Requiem (6); Rachmaninoff: Toteninsel (6); Saint-Saëns: Danse Macabre (6); Schelling: Impressions from an Artist's Life (39); Simonds: Elaboration of Dies Irae for Organ (unpublished) (39); Tchaikovsky Modern Greek Song, Op. 16, No. 6 (In Dark Hell).

Index Classifications: 1500s, 1700s, 1800s, 1900s

Contributed by: Jean Pang

Index Classifications: 1500s

Index Classifications: 1500s