The Missa carminum, a Renaissance mass type cultivated by several composers that is structured around a tenor built by stringing together different pre-existent tunes, provides interesting examples of the practice of musical imitatio. The musical borrowing in these pieces highlights a composer’s innovative compositional technique while still linking to the traditions of the past. By using known tunes as the basis of new musical creations, these composers encourage the comparison of their new compositions with those whose legitimacy as musical objects is already established. In their reuse of music of the past, composers negotiate two important elements of memory. First, they navigate between their own originality and the conventions established by past composers. Second, their use of borrowing creates tension between a composer’s memory and the memory of their audience.

Works: Obrecht: Missa carminum I (91), Missa carminum II (92-93); Costanzo Festa/Andreas Da Silva: Missa carminum II (94-95).

Sources: Dufay/Binchois: Je ne vis oncques la pareille (91); Anonymous: Bon temps (91); Anonymous: Ou le trouveray (91); Anonymous: Ha! Coeur perdu et desolle (91); Busnois: Une filleresse/S’il y a compagnon/Vostre amour (91), Joye me fuit (91), Acordes moy (91), Mon mignault/Gracieuse (91), J’ai mains de bien (91); Loyset Compère/Pietrequin: Mais que se fut secretement (91); Ockeghem: S’elle m’amera/Petite camusette (91), Petite camusette (94-95); Anonymous: Je ne porroie plus celer (91); Josquin: Adieu mes amours (91, 94-95); Busfrin: Et trop penser (91); Jacobus Barbireau: Scoen lief (91-93); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Ce n’est pas jeu (91), De tous biens plaine (94-95); Anonymous: Quant je vous dys (91); Adrien Basin: Madame, faites moy savoir (91); Rubinus: Entre Paris et Saint Quentin (92-93); Johannes Martini: La Martinella (93-94); Loyset Compère: A qui diraige mes pensée (92-93), Le renvoy (92-93); Anonymous: L’homme armé (94).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

A comparison of the motet O lux decus Hispanie to the motet on which it was based, Christus vincit, shows how musical material was re-worked to serve different texts. The text of Christus vincit is a laudatory tribute to Doge Francesco Foscari. The prima pars is built on a number of points of imitation specific to the text. The secunda pars uses an unusual mensural shift, a sesquitertia proportion but with coloration, probably inspired by the text. In O lux decus Hispanie, an antiphon from a rhymed Office for St. James the Greater, changes to the music of the prima pars help obscure the original points of imitation and thus give more continuous declamation. Changes in mensuration also affect the proportions between the lengths of the two partes. Although Christus vincit is the parent work, there is no evidence to prove that Hugo de Lantins had any direct role in the creation of O lux decus Hispanie.

Works: Hugo de Lantins: O lux decus Hispanie.

Sources: Hugo de Lantins: Christus vincit.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

An examination of some seventy-six pieces with conflicting attributions suggests that the question of attribution is not one of scribal error but rather a case of compositional revision of the work of one composer by another. Many conflicting attributions involve composers who were associated with one another in some special way, often by having been colleagues at a court or cathedral. In some cases these compositional revisions involve the entire polyphonic fabric, but more often only a single voice is involved, usually the contratenor. Sometimes different attributions are given for similar readings of existing variants; in that case, the variants may be a case of a scribe not knowing which reading to attribute to which composer. Conflicting attributions may help offer clues to lacunae in a composer's biography: Hayne van Ghizeghem and Johannes Japart are composers whose careers may be expanded in this way. Tables give all seventy-six pieces with conflicting attributions plus the twenty-three base sources from which they are drawn.

Works: Johannes Martini/Heinrich Isaac: Des biens (257-58, 278), La Martinella (257, 260, 261-62, 278); Malcourt/Johannes Martini/Johannes Ockeghem: Malheure me bat (257, 259-60, 279); Jacob Obrecht/Virgilius: Nec michi, nec tibi (258, 260, 263, 279); Antoine Busnois/Hayne van Ghizeghem: J'ay bien choisie (260, 264, 278); Antoine Busnois/Heinrich Isaac: Sans avoir (260, 265, 279); Josquin des Prez/Johannes Japart: J'ay bien rise tant (260-61, 265, 278); Alexander Agricola/Loyset Compère: La saison en est (261, 266, 279); Petrus Congiet/Johannes Japart: Je cuide (261, 266, 278); Loyset Compère/Pietrequin Bonnel: Mais que ce fust secretement (261, 267, 279); John Bedingham/Walter Frye: So ys emprentid (268, 281); Gilles Binchois/Walter Frye: Tout a par moy (269,278); Adrien Basin/[illegible]: Madame faites moy (269-71, 281); Barbingant/Johannes Fedé: L'homme banni (269, 271, 272, 281).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

A collection of Kyrie tenors called "Squares" existed in English sources at least by 1496 and had a strong rhythmic and melodic character. These tenors were used as cantus firmi in polyphonic Kyries, and their use called for a special technique. Three masses "upon the Square" make extensive use of a three-part texture rather than two- or four-part writing. The cantus firmus likewise does not appear in any one part but migrates and is frequently elaborated upon. Because the borrowed material is usually the lowest in register, frequent voice crossings are also prevalent. In addition to Kyrie "squares," there are other manuscript sources that provide "squares" for the rest of the mass movements. In these cases, the Kyrie movement uses a Kyrie "square," the Gloria movement uses the Gloria "square," and so on. However, Ludford's Lady Masses are an exception, since they are built on the Kyrie "square" throughout.

Works: William Mundy: Mass I Upon the Square (179, 181-82), Mass II Upon the Square (179, 181-82); William Whitbroke: Mass Upon the Square (178, 181-82); Ludford: Lady Masses (185-186), Missa feria iiij (186).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Scholars have analyzed the fifteenth-century chanson Mass for its role in the development of cantus firmus technique, but there have been few attempts to contextualize the borrowing of a secular love song in the most solemn ritual of the Church. An exploration of the origins and developments of this practice across a range of expressive media situate these masses within a culture that juxtaposed secular with sacred love and the courtly lady with the Blessed Virgin Mary. Some of the same chanson tenors used within Marian-texted motets of the period were also borrowed in these masses, indicating a Marian reading for them. Three centuries prior to the chanson mass, interpretive traditions had already developed on the themes of sacred and profane love in theology and the vernacular. Commentaries on the Old Testament Song of Songs suggested that the erotic love expressed between the female and male voices represented the love between God and the Virgin Mary, authors of vernacular sources discussed the commingling of the cloister and court, and in visual representations of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries artists increasingly emphasized the humanity of the Virgin, depicting her as a contemporary woman within the courtly environment. Likewise, the writers Jean Gerson and Jean Molinet both used courtly and secular language to address the divine beloved. Molinet's poem Oroison a Nostre Dame carries the line, "A poem that may be addressed either to the Virgin Mary or by a lover to his lady." Within this text, which was directed explicitly to the Virgin Mary, Molinet incorporated several chanson incipits, six of which were also borrowed in the chanson mass. It is clear from these connections to poetry, theological writing, and visual art that out of the courtly environments, the chanson mass became another outlet for elevating profane love to the sacred realm.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The Marian masses Sicut spina rosam and Sub tuum praesidium by Jacob Obrecht exhibit connections to local devotional and liturgical usages. Obrecht's Missa Sicut spina rosam borrows from Ockeghem's Missa Mi-mi and takes a verse from the responsory Ad nutum Domini nostrum as its cantus firmus. Obrecht borrowed a segment of the chant corresponding with the text "sicut spina rosam, genuiut Judea Mariam" ("As the thorn brought forth the rose, so did Judea bring forth Mary"). The isolation of this fragment can be connected to its particular liturgical usage in the locale of Antwerp, where Ad nutum domini nostrum served as the culmination of the Matins service and as the great responsory for Vespers on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin. Likewise, Obrecht's Missa Sub tuum praesidium contains associations to local Marian traditions through its use of seven Marian plainsongs. Sub tuum praesidium is the main structural cantus firmus, four borrowed chants are drawn from internal verses of sequences for the Blessed Virgin, and two popular Marian antiphons Salve Regina and Regina caeli serve as cantus firmi in the final Agnus Dei. A comparison of the chants and their local usages in places where Obrecht was employed suggest that the Missa Sub tuum praesidium was probably written while he was working in Antwerp or possibly Bergen-op-Zoom.

Works: Obrecht: Missa Sicut spina rosam (52, 56-63); Missa Sub tuum praesidium (52, 64-74).

Sources: Responsory Ad nutum Domini nostrum (56-61); Ockeghem: Missa Mi-mi (56); Antiphons Sub tuum praesidium (65-71), Ave praeclara (65, 67, 70) Aurea virga (65-66, 68, 70-71), Verbum bonum (65, 67, 70), Regina caeli (66, 71), Salve Regina (66, 73).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Throughout the Middle Ages, veneration of local martyrs and miracle workers continually increased, leading to the creation of location-specific liturgical services and music to celebrate these saints’ feast days. One such creation is Matthaeus Pipelare’s Missa de Sancto Livino. Pipelare drew from a large body of texts and liturgical chant unique to Ghent, ultimately weaving twenty plainsong melodies into his polyphonic mass. His methods of integration varied; while he seldom quoted these chants in their entirety, he typically quoted portions faithfully or modestly paraphrased them. His mass demonstrates that local traditions of liturgy and chant exerted influence upon sacred polyphonic compositions.

Examination of the relationship between Pipelare’s mass and its plainsong sources allows the discovery that Pierre de la Rue’s Missa de Sancto Job was modeled directly upon Pipelare’s Missa de Sancto Livino. La Rue’s treatment of Pipelare’s cantus firmi and melodic motives demonstrates that he was not familiar with the plainsong melodies in their original contexts, or, at the least, he used Pipelare’s mass as his source. La Rue’s mass therefore is another example of the widespread practice in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of finding inspiration for new polyphonic compositions in the materials of existing polyphonic works. Tables and schematic diagrams show the distribution of texts and melodies within the Missa de Sancto Livino and the Missa de Sancto Job.

Works: Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de Sancto Livino (171, 177, 184-98); Pierre de la Rue: Missa de Sancto Job (199-213).

Sources: Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de Sancto Livino (200-213).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Development of paraphrase technique in the fifteenth century may be traced through four stages: (1) the cantus firmus migrates successively through several voices; (2) the cantus firmus is subjected to melodic variation but remains in one voice; (3) introductory duos and trios anticipate the arrival of the cantus firmus (which remains in only one voice part); (4) points of imitation based on the cantus firmus open major sections of a piece, which continue in a non-imitative manner. Imitation as a structural device occurred first in secular works before moving to the sacred realm. The syntactic-imitative style reached its fruition in Italy, where humanism and its emphasis on the imitatio were helping to move music from the field of science to the field of humanities.

Works: Bittering: Nesciens mater (27-28); Pycard: Sanctus (28-30); Guillaume Dufay: Alma redemptoris mater (31-32), Vostre bruit (34-35), Anima mea liquefacta est (36, 38-40); Gilles Binchois (36): Ave regina coelorum (36-37); Johannes Regis: O admirabile commercium (40-42); Johannes Ockeghem: Missa Au travail suis (42-43); Jacob Obrecht: Missa Je ne demande (43-44); Salve regina (43-44); Anonymous: Kyrie fons bonitatis (44-47); Johannes Martini: Missa ferialis (48-52), Missa dominicalis (52-57) Josquin des Prez: Missa de Beata Virgine (57-59).

Sources: Antiphon: Nesciens mater (27-28); Sanctus with Marian trope [Sarum] (28-30); Chant: Alma redemptoris mater (31-32), Ave regina coelorum (36-37), Anima mea liquefacta est (36, 38-40), Kyrie fons bonitatis (44-47), Mass XVIII for the Ferias of Advent and Lent (48-52), Mass XI (52-56), Mass IX (57-58), Mass IV (57-58); Introit: Puer natus (41-42); Barbingant: Au travail suis (42-43); Loyset Compère: Au travail suis (42-43).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Due to the recovery of a few sixteenth-century compositional drafts, attention has recently been turned to the process of composition in the Renaissance. It appears, from these manuscripts, that students of composition were still being taught to compose one line at a time and learned their craft by imitating older masters, modeling new pieces directly on old ones. Emulation was not only pedagogical but may have also been used as a means of competition or of paying homage to other composers. Composers of chansons in the fifteenth century imitated one another in various ways. All of these kinds of emulation in composition seem to relate directly to the late medieval and Renaissance concept of imitation, known to Tinctoris and applied to music possibly as early as the late fourteenth or early fifteenth centuries. Presumably it was taught as well. Some theories concerning imitation in music, particularly those of Lewis Lockwood, are relevant to the topic. Before the advent of syntactic imitation, there were two principal methods of composition, which continued through the sixteenth century. The first consisted of the addition of new lines around a cantus firmus, the medieval contribution to polyphony. The second relied on the newer techniques of imitatio beginning in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries.

Works: Anonymous: En contemplant la beaulté de m'amye (2-6, 8, 15); Isaac: Helas que pourra devenir mon cueur (15-21, 25); Anonymous: On est bien malade par amer trop (21-25); Busnois or Caron: Cent mille escus quant je voldroie (25-29); Anonymous: La Martinella (32-34); Isaac: La Martinella (35-37).

Sources: Anonymous: Vivent vivent en payx tous loyaux pastoreaux (6-8); Caron: Helas que pourra devenir mon cueur (15-19), O vie fortunée (25-29); Busnois: On a grant mal par trop amer/On est bien malade (21-23); Martini: La Martinella (29-35).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Wendy Jeanne McHenry

Chansons rustiques existed in both monophonic and polyphonic versions. Few sixteenth-century chansons rustiques survive, although some of the popular monophonic tunes can be reconstructed from polyphonic chansons that incorporate the original. These preexisting tunes are most often found as a cantus firmus in the tenor of the new work, with or without new text added to the free voices; as two cantus firmi in canon surrounded by new material; as a cantus firmus in the superius; or paraphrased in multiple voices. Polyphonic chansons rustiques prior to 1500 show more contrast between the new and preexistent material, while those after 1500 integrate imitation more carefully. Composed works in this manner indicate that the division between popular and courtly style was beginning to dissolve.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: John F. Anderies

[Has extensive lists of related compositions.]

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Fragments of a newly discovered English manuscript contain a portion of the Agnus Dei from Dufay's Missa Caput, as well as portions of a different cyclical Mass. This new discovery strengthens the probability that Dufay borrowed the tenor of his Missa Caput from another unknown Caput Mass by an English composer. Several stylistic differences between the Mass of the manuscript and Dufay's Missa Caput exist as evidence of Dufay's English influence. These include: (1) the presence of a fourth voice acting as bass; (2) the bipartite division of each movement; (3) contrasting of parts by means of triple and duple meter; (4) introductory duets in each part; and (5) imitations between the free voices. Evidence also suggests that Dufay composed the Kyrie of the Missa Caput approximately ten years after the rest of the mass. This includes stylistic differences between the Kyrie and the other movements, an entry in the Cambrai archives which notes the copying of "'les kyriels' of the Caput Mass" into choirbooks, and the fact that the English cyclical Mass, which Dufay adopted, typically omitted the Kyrie.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Brian Phillips

The source on which the cantus firmus of the Caput Masses by Dufay, Ockeghem, and Obrecht is based is the melodic variant of the melisma on the final word "caput" from the antiphon Venit ad Petrum of the Sarum use. English influence on the earliest Mass (still considered Dufay's) can be seen in its use of the Kyrie trope Deus creator omnium, a melody appearing almost invariably in troped Sarum Graduals. The fact that the Sarum Processionals have not been reprinted with their music may be the reason why the source of the caput melody has remained undiscovered for so long. It appears, however, in the facsimile edition of the Graduale Sarisburiense since 1894. Dufay's tenor corresponds to the caput melisma except for two notes and the arrangement of the ligatures. This is important for the comparison with Ockeghem's and Obrecht's Caput masses, since they take over not only the exact rhythmic layout of Dufay's cantus firmus, but often its major divisions by rests as well. Therefore Ockeghem and Obrecht must have used the mass of their predecessor as a model and springboard. Van den Borren's hypothesis that Ockeghem's mass might be the earliest one of the three cannot be true, since it omits the first part of the cantus firmus in the Christe and "since it is most unlikely that partial presentation should precede integral presentation." Ockeghem follows the model more closely than Obrecht. While the former borrows the arrangement of the ligatures and quotes the cantus firmus in the tenor voice only, Obrecht treats it more freely, shifting it to other voices and transposing it between the movements.

Works: Dufay: Missa Caput (256-66); Ockeghem: Missa Caput (263-69); Obrecht: Missa Caput (264-65, 269-71).

Sources: Antiphon: Venit ad Petrum (242-49); Dufay: Missa Caput (263-71).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s

Johannes Martini was not the first to cultivate borrowing from two or more voices of a polyphonic model, but he was the first to do so fully and consistently in his work. Perkins's "Communication" (1987) strengthens Martini's ties to the rhetorical tradition of imitatio, thereby supporting the labeling of masses based on a polyphonic source as "imitation masses." Masses based on a polyphonic source form a distinctive genre, separate from cantus firmus masses based on a monophonic source. Although the term "parody mass" is insufficient for the sixteenth-century mass based on a polyphonic model, it may serve to distinguish between the experimental fifteenth-century type and the later, mature type.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Masses of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries that are based on polyphonic models and that preserve cantus-firmus structure belong to a distinct genre of imitation mass, related to the fifteenth-century rhetorical concept of imitatio. Johannes Martini—with eleven surviving masses including at least six imitation masses—is particularly important to the history of the imitation mass and to the evolution of musical borrowing in masses in general. Martini’s masses fall into six categories according to the type of model used and (with one exception) the techniques used to elaborate on the borrowed material: plainchant, French chansons, a German lied, Italian songs, instrumental works, and the cuckoo call. Two of the masses based on French chansons (Missa Orsus orsus and Missa Se la sans plus) borrow the least from their models, while the masses on instrumental pieces (Missa Coda di Pavon and Missa La Martinella) borrow extensively from all four voices of their models. With an understanding of Martini’s compositional practices with regard to borrowed material, it is possible to construct hypothetical models that closely approximate the sources Martini must have used for Missa Io ne tengo quanto a te and Missa Dio te salvi Gotterello, neither of which have known surviving models. While the full extent of Martini’s influence is unclear, the available evidence suggests that he was connected with several contemporary composers who were also writing imitation masses, notably Vincenet and Guillaume Faugues. Josquin Desprez, Jacob Obrecht, and Heinrich Isaac, each of whom composed works that borrow from multiple voices of a polyphonic model, also have some potential—if sometimes circumstantial—connection to Martini, his masses, and the idea of musical imitatio. Still, Martini composed the first large body of masses to extensively incorporate several voices from a polyphonic model and his importance for the development of the parody mass was probably very great.

Works: Johannes Martini: Missa Dominicalis (481-82), Missa Ferialis (481-82), Missa Orsus orsus (482-84), Missa Se la sans plus (482-83), Missa In feuers hitz (485-86), Missa Coda di Pavon (486-87, 488-89), Missa La Martinella (486), Missa Ma bouche rit (487), Missa Io ne tengo quanto a te (490-505)

Sources: Plainchant: Domenicalis (481-82), Ferialis (481-82); Anonymous: Or sus, or sus par dessus tous les aultres (482-84), In feuers hitz (485-86); Collinet de Lannoy: Cela sans plus (482-83); Johannes Martini: La Martinella (486); Barbingant: Der Pfoben Swancz (486-87, 488-89); Ockeghem: Ma bouche rit (487)

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

The tradition surrounding the L’homme armé tune is an example of musical imitatio. There is little consensus in musicological literature over a precise description of the relationship between musical borrowing and imitatio, a literary concept with roots in rhetoric. Opinions on the matter are so varied that some, Honey Meconi and Rob Wegman in particular, find little value in the term. Nevertheless Meconi’s and Wegman’s conclusions are drawn from an overly constricted conception of what was a widely varied, complex, and hotly debated concept in the Renaissance. There were, in fact, three general types of imitatio that Renaissance literary theorists discussed: non-transformative, transformative, and dissimulative. The last of these three included an element of competition between a work at its model, through which a writer attempted to surpass his or her predecessors to achieve fame and glory. A discussion of competition of this type, though never by the name imitatio, is present in writings about music, particularly dealing with the L’homme armé tradition. Many composers use the tune as a cantus firmus in mass movements, and with it each seems to demonstrate their technical skill through mensural manipulations, extravagant transpositions, or the canonic treatment of the tune. Josquin’s two masses, the first of this tradition to be published by Petrucci in 1502, seem to consciously compete with settings of this tune by earlier composers, and composers that came later seem to consciously compete with Josquin’s settings. The goal of this competitive relationship between these composers coincides with the goal associated with eristic imitatio in the Renaissance and thus may be comprehended as musical imitatio.

Works: Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (269-77), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (269, 277-81); La Rue: Missa L’homme armé (281-82); Obrecht: Missa L’homme armé (268-69); Forestier: Missa L’homme armé (282-83); Morales: Missa L’homme armé (284-85); Palestrina: Missa L’homme armé (284-86).

Sources: Anonymous: L’homme armé (262-63); Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (281-83, 285-86 ), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (284-85); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (263-70); Busnoys: Il sera pour vous conbatu/L’homme armé (263), Missa L’homme armé (263-69); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (263-69); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (263-69); De Orto: Missa L’homme armé (285-86).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

There are many musical similarities between Forest's Quam, Tota pulcra and Dunstable's Quam pulcra es. Assuming that the Dunstable motet was the model for the Forest motet, an investigation of borrowing procedures can ensue. Both motets are Marian antiphons that comprise texts from the Song of Songs; consequently there are many textual similarities between the two pieces. In terms of musical similarities, both pieces are English declamation motets, which feature homorhythmic textures. Harmonically, both pieces include a series of parallel first-inversion chords and similar dissonance treatment. The formal structure of Tota resembles that of Quam, and the motets feature similar mensural changes, yet melodic embellishments disguise some of the correspondences. Furthermore, both motets open with three voices in unison, which is unique among the fifteenth-century repertoire. Another striking textural similarity between the two pieces is the unvaried three-part texture, which is unlike the changing textures of many other fifteenth-century motets. Despite differences in tonalities, the pieces share similar harmonic and tonal movement in part. There are also a significant number of melodic parallelisms in the motets. These similarities point toward classifying the Forest motet as an early example of parody technique.

Works: Forest: Quam, Tota pulcra (245-56).

Sources: Dunstable: Quam pulcra es (245-56).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Victoria Malawey

Any study of musical borrowing in the early fifteenth century can be useful in its ability to highlight both preferred compositional practices and possible biographical connections between composers. The musical and textual parallels between Power's motet Anima mea liquefacta est and its model, Binchois's chanson De plus en plus, show a careful integration of pre-existing musical material into a new musical context. Power's adaptation of the chanson melody ranges from nearly literal quotation to extensive paraphrase, and includes large-scale structural modeling. Textual similarities between these two works suggest that it may have been the text, more than any musical considerations, which prompted Power to choose De plus en plus as his model, and a recognition of these textual correlations is necessary for a full appreciation of Anima mea.

Works: Power: Anima mea liquefacta est (55-72).

Sources: Binchois: De plus en plus (55-72).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Analysis of Oswald’s contrafacta reveals the function of memory in the reworking of polyphonic models. Most composers of polyphony in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were musically literate and familiar with mensural notation. Minnesinger Oswald von Wolkenstein (c. 1376-1445) was active among nobles who valued written works, but his training as a knight would not have prioritized literacy. Scholars have not previously focused on compositional process but rather the tradition of polyphonic transmission; examining Oswald’s output can shed light on his unique compositional and memory devices. His borrowed chansons would have been performed from memory rather than notation, and after he had learned a tenor line, Oswald would compose poetry and dictate to his scribe. The transformations between the models and his songs reveal a preference for strophic forms and memorable texts. Generally considered the inventor of the “Tenorlied ,” Oswald recast the tenor voice as the melody, leaving its original contour unaltered. He also consistently eliminated the countertenor and transformed melismatic lines into syllabic ones. Oswald’s compositions were notated either in a simple version of one or two voices, or in fuller polyphonic settings by a musically literate person with access to a copy of the model chanson. This investigation emphasises the great importance of memory and oral compositional practice in Oswald’s works. His process for creating contrafacted tenor lieder can be described as secondary orality, and illustrates how writing changed but did not replace oral tradition during the late Middle Ages.

Works: Oswald von Wolkenstein: O wuniklichter, wolgezierter mai (165), Wol auf, wir wollen slafen (165–67, 175), Stand auf, Maradel (168–69), Frölich, zärtlich, lieplich und klärlich, lustlich, stille, leise (169–77).

Sources: Binchois: Triste Plaisir et douloureuse joye (165); Anonymous: En tes douz flans (164–75).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Emily Baumgart, Chelsey Belt, Maria Fokina

The long-standing appeal of the Fulget dies refrain in twelfth- and thirteenth-century hymns, through the Counter-Reformation, and into nineteenth-century Catholic hymnals is linked to its association with liturgical time and relationship with multiple feasts, seasons, offices, and chants. The Fulget dies refrain originated sometime in the twelfth century within a family of contrafact tropes on Benedicamus Domino, each related to a different feast. By 1220, the refrain was found in hymns as well, as illustrated by its appearance in at least five hymns found in the Worcester Antiphonal. By 1300, the refrain had made its way to Hungary, Spain, Norman Sicily, France, and England. While Fulget dies appears in a variety of musical and liturgical contexts, it generally functions as a marker of festivity. Even after many office and mass tropes fell out of favor, Fulget dies lived on as a refrain in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hymnals. The Feast of Corpus Christi hymn O salutaris hostia and the Marian hymn Matrem per integerrimam illustrate its continued association with important feasts and the ways in which the text and melody of Fulget dies gradually changed over time. In sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the refrain was transmitted only in ordinals which did not contain notated music, just text. Here, Fulget dies became primarily associated with the Christmas season. Two sources, the thirteenth-century Worcester Antiphonal and a sixteenth-century Hungarian ordinal, document the erasure of the Fulget dies refrain from hymn transmission. Through the sixteenth century, Fulget dies had a degree of stability attached to three Christmas hymns, most often to Fit porta Christi pervia, with both the text and music demonstrating a high degree of similarity. Accounting for its longevity as a refrain, the text of Fulget dies (the day shines forth . . . this day shines forth) exhibits both poetic brevity and flexibility to engage with any number of theological cycles from daily rituals to the cycles of seasons.

Works: Anonymous: Iam lucis orto sidere (91-97, 114-16, 120-23, 138, 141-42), A solis ortus cardine (107-11, 120, 126-27, 133-25, 142), Nunc sancta nobis spiritus (107-11), O salutaris hostia (117-20, 125), Matrem per integerrimam (117-20), Ordinarius Stringoniensis (122), Deus tuorum militum (125-26), Enixa est puerpera (126-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (126-32), Venez vos gens chantez Noé (132); Willaert: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32, 142-43); Orlando di Lasso: Enixa est puerpera (131-32), Fit porta Christi pervia (131-32)

Sources: Anonymous: Fulget dies from tropes on Benedicamus Domino (91-144), A solis ortus cardine (126)

Index Classifications: Monophony to 1300, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

In considering the origins of the cyclic mass, scholars have suggested both liturgical and aesthetic considerations, although evidence suggests that the mass was liturgically unified before any attempts at musical unification took place. The growth in the popularity of the cantus firmus mass occurred as the popularity of tropes was decreasing, and it possible that the early cantus firmus served as a substitute for a trope, carrying with it a certain degree of meaning or symbolism similar to that of an added trope. Given the choice of cantus firmus in many early English cyclic masses, it appears that many were intended to be associated with the king and certain royal rituals. Following decades of problems plaguing the Papacy, a number of cantus firmus masses written in the mid-fifteenth century, including those with references to military symbolism, were likely written in support of recovering Papal power. With these allusions to current political and religious concerns, it is unlikely that these cyclic masses served purely liturgical purposes.

Works: Dunstable: Missa Rex saeculorum (256); Frye: Missa Flos regalis (256); Driffelde: Missa Eructavit cor meum (256); Anonymous: Missa Veterem hominem (256); Anonymous: Missa caput (256); Dufay: Gloria ad modum tubae (259), Missa Caput (259); Anonymous: Patrem tubula (261, 263, 264); Regis: Missa L'homme armé (262); Tapissier: Eia dulcis/Vale placens (264-5); Dufay: Missa L'homme armé (265), Missa Se la face ay pale (265).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

By the end of the fifteenth century, composers using pre-existing material frequently treated that material as a point of departure rather than as a source on which to base an entire piece. This trend is evident in the group of compositions based on the chanson Allez regrets by Hayne van Ghizeghem. The three known intabulations based on this chanson all carefully follow the model with little structural deviation, although there is a great deal of elaboration in the borrowed melodic material. In the five chansons based on Allez regrets, each begins with a literal quotation from the superius and tenor of the model. Throughout the remainder of the new pieces, one voice is borrowed from the original and the others are freely composed, resulting in a greater amount of experimentation with the existing material than was found in the intabulations. Five known masses are based on Allez regrets, and employ a variety of techniques in using the borrowed material, including quotation, paraphrase, cantus firmus, and use of melodic material as points of imitation. These varying usages result in a wide range of resemblance to the model, and point to the potential of Allez regrets for use in many compositional contexts.

Works: Capirola: A les regres (165-68); Gerle: Ales regres (165-68); Kleber: Ales regres (165-68); Agricola: Allez regrets (169); Anonymous: Allez regrets (169); Organi: Allez regrets (170); Senfl: Allez regrets (170); Compère: Venes regretz (170-71), Missa Allez regrets (172-73); Bruhier: Missa Carminum (172); Anonymous: Missa Allez regrets (172); Prioris: Missa Allez regrets (172); Josquin: Missa Allez regrets (173-74); Scompianus: Missa Allez regrets (175).

Sources: Ghizeghem: Allez regrets.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Fortuna desperata, one of the most popular chansons of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, survives in more than thirty sources and in thirty-one distinct settings. Although it has been attributed to Busnois, its strophic form and Italian text separate it from most of Busnois's other chansons, making this attribution doubtful. Of the twenty-four surviving cantus firmus settings of the chanson, two rather unusual practices occur with some frequency. The tenor is transposed from its original Lydian mode to Phrygian in five pieces, and the borrowed material from the chanson is combined with another pre-existent melody and/or text in thirteen pieces. Both of these practices may be explained by the application of symbolism related to the goddess Fortuna. Although Lydian is the mode most frequently associated with Fortuna, the transposition of the mode may reflect the image of Fortuna turning her wheel. In the pieces in which the Fortuna cantus firmus is combined with pre-existing material, there are strong correlations between the myth of Fortuna and the added (or implied) texts, and these added texts give further meaning to the new work. These new meanings, as well as the overall popularity of Fortuna desperata, provide examples of trends in late fifteenth-century humanist thought.

Works: Josquin: Fortuna d'un gran tempo (8); Martini: Fortuna desperata (9); Greiter: Passibus ambiguis (9, 13, 14, 17); Senfl: Fortuna ad voices musicales (9, 13, 17-18); Anonymous: Consideres mes incessantes (13, 15); Breitengraser: Fortuna desperata (13); Senfl: Nasci, pati, mori (15), Ich steund an einem morgen (15), Es taget vor dem Walde (15); Isaac: Bruder Conrat (15); Jachet: Ave mater (16); Senfl: Virgo prudentissima (16), Herr durch dein Blut (17); Isaac: Sancte Petre ora pro nobis (17); Anonymous: Zilbadone (17).

Sources: Busnois(?):Fortuna desperata (7-8).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Josquin's Je me complains should be interpreted as a mock lament because the last line of text and music is a quotation from a bawdy ditty La belle Tricotée, a tune famous since medieval times. The tune Josquin borrows is also used in three other works, all of which are written to different words but in most cases hold the text "la tricotée fut par matin levée" in common. These pieces include the tenor part of a three-voice chanson from the mid-fifteenth century in Bologna Q. 15, a contratenor part from a three-voice quodlibet in Escorial IV.a.24, and an upper voice of La tricotea Samártin la vea, a Spanish reworking of the tune. The term "tricotée" has often been translated as "knitting," but it is actually a term applied to a lively dance from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries.

Works: Josquin: Je me complains (1-8); Anonymous: Belle tenes moy la promesse/La triquotée est par matin levée (3), Rolet ara la tricoton/Maistre Piere/La tricotée (3), La tricotea Samártin la vea (3-4).

Sources: Anonymous: La belle Tricotée (1-8).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

One Missa sine nomine, found in five manuscripts, has been attributed wrongly to the Continental composer Jean Pullois. This Mass has been noted as the earliest example of a Continental Mass cycle that uses cantus firmus technique to unify the movements. Indeed, the tenor parts of the five Mass movements feature striking, similar melodic lines, and thus the Missa sine nomine can be considered a cyclic cantus firmus Mass. However, it uses paraphrase technique, and this puts into question the attribution of the Mass to Pullois and the characterization of the Mass as Continental, as it has no Continental precedents. It is highly unusual that the Mass's malleable assimilation of the plainsong source would pre-date comparable Dufay cyclic Masses. Yet, attributing the Mass to Pullois would do just that. Because of this and other circumstantial manuscript source-related evidence, the Missa Sine nomine should be removed from Pullois's known repertory.

Works: Jean Pullois?: Missa sine nomine (41-59).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Victoria Malawey

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Certain revisions concerning borrowing needed to be made to the author's original article, "The Solus Tenor in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries," which appeared in Acta Musicologica 39. A solus tenor is a line that can assume a strongly harmonic character, as demonstrated in Royllart's isorhythmic motet Rex Karole, Johannes genite/Leticie, pacis, concordie. The definitive characteristic of a motet with this kind of tenor is that it can be performed in either a three-part or a four-part setting. As in the anonymous Januam quam clauserat/Jacinctus in saltibus/Quartus cantus/Jacet granum, these pieces work equally well with either number of parts. Another interesting aspect of these works is illustrated by the motet Inter densas deserti/Imbribus irriguis/Admirabile est nomen tuum, whose tenor scholars recently determined was actually added by a later scribe. So, the piece was actually based on a different borrowed tenor than the one that currently accompanies it. In all of these pieces, the common thread is a tenor with a strong harmonic character that belongs to a motet that can function with either three or four voice parts.

Works: Royllart: Rex Karole, Johannes genite/Leticie, pacis, concordie (176-77); Motet: Inter densas deserti/Imbribus irriguis/Admirabile est nomen tuum (176); Matteo da Perugia: Gloria in Mod (177); Johannes Brassart: Magne decus potencie/Genus regule esperie (177); Motet: Januam quam clauserat/Jacinctus in saltibus/Quartus cantus/Jacet granum (178).

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Rebecca Dowsley

In compositions of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the tenor and the contratenor had similar structural roles. From their structural interaction and overlap, composers extracted a new voice called the solus tenor. This new voice, which functioned as a replacement for both the tenor and the contratenor, effectively reduced a four-part composition to three. The result is that some sources transmit a particular piece with the solus tenor, others retain the tenor and contratenor, while still others transmit all three voices.

Works: Vitry: Gratissima Virginis species/Vos quid admiramini/Gaude gloriosa (45-47, 50, 53-54), Virtutibus laudabilis/Impudenter circuivi/Alma redemptoris mater (46-47, 50-51, 53); Anonymous: Gloria (48); Binchois: Dueil angoisseux, rage demeseurée (48-49); Pennard: Credo (51-52); Du Fay: Apostolo glorioso/Cum tua doctrina/Andreas Christi famulus (52, 55); Franchois: Ave Virgo lux Maria/Sancta Maria (52); Pycard: Gloria (53); Lantins: Celsa sublimatur victoria/Sabine presul dignissime (54); Anonymous: O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella (54).

Sources: Vitry: Gratissima Virginis species/Vos quid admiramini/Gaude gloriosa (45-47, 50, 53-54), Virtutibus laudabilis/Impudenter circuivi/Alma redemptoris mater (46-47, 50-51, 53); Anonymous: Gloria (48); Binchois: Dueil angoisseux, rage demeseurée (48-49); Pennard: Credo (51-52); Du Fay: Apostolo glorioso/Cum tua doctrina/Andreas Christi famulus (52, 55); Franchois: Ave Virgo lux Maria/Sancta Maria (52); Pycard: Gloria (53); Lantins: Celsa sublimatur victoria/Sabine presul dignissime (54); Anonymous: O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella (54).

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Three one-voice German songs from the Glogauer Liederbuch--In feuers hitz (No. 39), Bruder Konrad (No. 46), and Ich sachs eins mals (No. 46)--may be combined to create a quodlibet.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s

Heinrich Isaac structured his tribute to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Quis dabit capiti meo aquam, around the concluding phrase of the antiphon Salva nos, Domine. The melody is present in nearly every measure of the piece. The borrowing becomes most explicit in the secunda pars, where the tune is set as a descending ostinato. In addition, Isaac borrows three sections from his own Missa Salva nos. This borrowing is all the more curious when one considers the contrast of style between Quis dabit capiti meo aquam and the prevailing character of Isaac’s sacred polyphony. That the sections in common between these two pieces are in such contrast with the rest of the polyphonic setting in Missa Salva nos suggests that the borrowing was from motet to mass rather than the other way around, as is commonly believed.

Works: Isaac: Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (57-85), Missa Salva nos (74-76).

Sources: Anonymous: Salva nos, Domine (63-66); Isaac: Missa Salva nos (64), Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (74-76).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The Italian madrigal developed during the sixteenth century as generations of composers contributed layers of innovation, beginning with its earliest manifestation as the frottola and culminating in its final form, the madrigale concertato. Composers utilized various methods of musical borrowing and reworking, including crafting arrangements, creating intabulations, parodying pre-existing works (sometimes for comedic purposes), modeling upon other compositions and styles, and quoting from other pieces. Musicians converted the madrigal into a piece for solo voice with accompaniment, such as Francesco Bossinensis’s arrangements for voice and lute. Similarly, intabulations were adaptations of madrigals for solo keyboard or lute. Most parodies were crafted for humorous reasons, such as Antonfrancesco Doni’s Il bianco e dolce cigno, which incorporated into its parody of Arcadelt’s madrigal by the same name a hundred segments of melody from madrigals by numerous composers, including Arcadelt, Verdelot, and Festa. Certain composers, such as Gesualdo and Monteverdi, modeled compositions upon the works or the style of their predecessors and peers, and their compositions, in turn, served as models for others. Quotations connected new compositions to previous ones for several reasons: (1) honoring the original composer, (2) establishing a rivalry, or (3) preserving street, folk, and popular songs within the newly-composed madrigal. Musical borrowing and reworking, then, unified the developing madrigal art form as it matured in the hands of many diverse composers.

Works: Anonymous: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in MS. Magl. XIX, 164-167 (National Library in Florence), No. XXXVI (106); Francesco Bossinensis: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore in Tenori e contrabassi (106), Tenori e contrabassi intabulati col sopran in canto figurato per cantar e sonar col lauto, Libro primo and Libro secundo (106-7, 128); Willaert: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Andrea Gabrieli: Anchor che col partire (374); Cambio Perissone: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92); Jacopo da Nola: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Giovanni Francesco Capuano: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Marenzio: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (592), Dolorosi martir, fieri tormenti (615), La rete fu di queste fila d’oro (643), Due rose fresche (643-44), Basciami, mille volte (644); Giovanni Ferretti: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare (595-96); Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck: Liquide perle Amor (614-15); Benedetto Pallavicino: Liquide perle Amor in Quinto libro a cinque (615); Antonio Barrè, “aria” of Bradamante from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Ghiselino Danckerts: heroine’s oath of fidelity from Orlando furioso in Il primo libro delle Muse: Madrigali ariosi di Antonio Barrè et altri (645); Giordano Passetto: Audi bone persone in Villotta alla padoana con quatro parte (750); Girolamo Belli d’Argenta: I furti (754-56); Monteverdi: Cruda Amarilli (852).

Sources: Tromboncino: Che debb’io far che mi consigli Amore (105); Verdelot: Quanto sia liet’ il giorno (250-52); Domenico Ferrabosco: Baciami vita mia in De diversi autori il quarto libro de madrigali a 4 voci a note bianche (311); Cipriano de Rore: Anchor che col partire (374); Adrian Willaert: Canzone Villanesche alla napolitana (443); Anonymous: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591); Palestrina: Io son ferito e chi mi punse il core (591-92, 643); Anonymous: Hor va, canzone mia, non dubitare in Quattro libri delle Villotte (595-96); Marenzio: Liquide perle Amor (614-15), Cruda Amarilli (852); Marc’Antonio Ingegneri: Dolorosi martir fieri tormenti in Il terzo libro de madrigali . . . con due canzoni francese (615); Andrea Gabrieli: Due rose fresche (643-44); Anonymous, folk arias to Ariosto’s verses from Orlando furioso (645); Stefano Rossetto: Il lamento di Olimpia (645); Anonymous: Voltate in qua e do bella Rosina, Damene un poco de quella fugacina (750); Anonymous [Guglielmo Gonzaga]: Villotte mantovane (753); Benedetto Pallavicino: Cruda Amarilli (853).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini

Gregorian chant was a rich source of inspiration for Josquin. About half of his motets (ca. 50 pieces) incorporate traditional Gregorian melodies. The chants used most often are antiphons and sequences. Eighteen different antiphons can be found in Josquin's antiphon motets, including the four great Marian antiphons, of which he uses Ave Maria three times and the others each twice. He incorporates nine sequences wholly or in part, using two of them twice, Inviolata and Victimae paschali laudes. The motets may be classed in six groups: groups I and II comprise motets in which the chant is clearly recognizable because its text differs from that of the motet and because it is treated as a cantus firmus in long note values (sometimes treated canonically as well); groups III through V comprise motets in which the text in all voices is that of the chant, whether it is treated canonically, as a migrant cantus firmus, or as a paraphrase; and group VI consists of fifteen motets which do not fit into any of the preceding groups.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mirna Polzovic

The musical funeral lament is a genre that is prone to the use of musical symbolism. Musical signs can take one of three forms. They can be icons, musical objects that have a close relationship with their meaning (such as word painting); indices, musical objects that are more removed from their meaning; or symbols, musical objects that must be decoded to comprehend. The most common type of musical index in funeral dirges is a quotation from another musical source. Most of these works draw on the Mass for the Dead through the use of various chants, like Requiem aeternam or Dies irae. Often composers transposed these chant segments into the Phrygian mode so as to reflect the character of the work. In so doing, composers reveal that these works are not only laments for the deceased but also prayers on their behalf. In addition, some composers borrow from non-chant sources in a gesture of homage. Josquin’s Absolve, quaesumus Domine, for example, borrows from Obrecht’s Missa Fortuna desperata and was perhaps composed to honor Obrecht at his death.

Works: Josquin: Absolve, quaesumus Domine (39), Nymphes des bois (39); Gombert: Musae Jovis (39); Obrecht: Mille quingentis (40); Isaac: Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (40-41).

Sources: Obrecht: Missa Fortuna desperata (39, 43); Ockeghem: Missa Cuiusvis toni (39); Josquin: Domine, exaudi orationem meam (39); Anonymous: Requiem aeternam (40); Anonymous: Dies irae (40); Anonymous: Salva nos, Domine (40).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

Dufay's L'Homme armé Mass more than likely predates Busnoys's setting, contrary to Richard Taruskin's conclusion (1984). The view of Busnoys as emulator is supported by the fact that his Mass is the more complex of the two, a trait common in emulations. Busnoys's inversion canon runs through the whole of Agnus I and III. In addition, he puts his inversion in the bass, adding another degree of complexity which points to emulation.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Bartolomeo di Bononia and Antonio Zacara da Teramo based some Mass movements on their ballate. Bartolomeo's ballata Vince con lena makes up the middle section of the corresponding Gloria. Since the composer of the Mass changed hardly anything in the source, which he incorporated as a whole, this is a case of contrafactum. Zacara, however, segmented and rearranged his ballate Rosetta che non cançi, Un fior gentil, and Deus deorum horizontally, using some of their melodic material also in the free sections. The contratenor (probably not by Zacara) may have been added later. Thus Zacara's technique denotes a transitional stage from contrafactum to the parody Masses of Ockeghem, Faugues, and Bedingham.

Works: Salve mater Jesu (45); Est illa (45); Dilectus meus misit (45); Virgo beata (45); "Kyrie" (Munich, Bayrische Staatsbibl., mus. 3232 a, fol. 58v-59) (46); motet Beatum incendium (46); Bartolomeo di Bononia: Et in terra (Oxford, Bodl. Can. misc. 213, no. 317) (47); Zacara: Et in terra Rosetta (Bologna, Conservatorio di Musica G. B. Martini, Q 15, no. 56) (47), Et in terra Fior gentil (Bologna, Conservatorio G. B. Martini, Q 15, no. 58) (47), Patrem Deus deorum (Bologna, conservatorio G. B. Martini, Q 15, no. 59) (47).

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Although Agricola's sacred music has been understudied in comparison to other contemporary composers, an analysis of his cantus firmus masses reveals a highly particularized approach to such compositional procedures, especially in relation to composers such as Josquin and Obrecht. In Agricola's four masses based on secular models, the prevalent technique is isomelism: the tenor retains the song's pitches but the durations are substantially manipulated, thereby removing the model from its metrical context. An extreme example can be found in Missa Malheur me bat, where in a run of semiminums some are augmented up to sixteen times their original value. Agricola's mass on Je ne demande stands apart from the other masses in its predominant use of the paraphrase type and ornamentation within the outline of the model. A predilection for using free and cantus firmus passages is visible in Missa In minen sin, a technique also reminiscent of Ockeghem, who blurred the boundaries between quotation and free melody. Agricola, in contrast to Ockeghem, incorporates more exact quotations alternating with free passages. Other types of borrowing procedures include strict tenor statements situated late in a mass as a culmination device and a restricted use of polyphonic quotations. The multiple and varied approaches to cantus firmus treatment within Agricola's masses has posed a problem for scholars who have taken "classicizing" or systematic approaches to the music of Josquin and Obrecht. Because Agricola's music does not exhibit a systematic taxonomy, it may be more useful to use the framework of the rhizome developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, which provides a useful theory of asystematic tendencies incorporated into an organicist approach.

Works: Alexander Agricola: Missa Malheur me bat (70-72, 74-76, 78-80), Missa Le serviteur (72, 75-77), Missa Je ne demande (71, 77), Missa In minen sin (72-73, 76-83).

Sources: Malcourt (?): Malheur me bat (70-72, 74-76, 78-80); Dufay: Le serviteur (72, 75-77); Busnois: Je ne demande (71, 77); Anonymous: In minen sin (72-73, 76-83).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The L'Homme armé Masses were probably written by Caron, not Busnoys as Richard Taruskin suggests (1984). This conclusion is based upon an accumulation of melodic similarities between Caron's music and the Naples Masses, a criterion that is far more persuasive than the structural relationships Taruskin uses to support his argument. Melodic features are the distinctive signature of a composer, while structural relationships are a form of intellectual exercise, useful only in terms of determining a composer's level of musical education.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Evidence suggests that the six anonymous L'Homme armé masses of Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS VI E 40, were composed by Firminus Caron. Certain head motifs and closing formulae that appear frequently in the Naples masses may be found more often in Caron's work than that of any other composer. Tables and numerous musical examples support Caron as the stylistic origin of these masses. Sources for these features are found in several of Caron's masses and chansons. The masses of the Naples manuscript are of Burgundian origin. Charles the Bold (then Count of Charolais) spent two weeks in Amiens during in 1466, during Firminus Caron's tenure there, giving him the opportunity to become familiar with these masses and subsequently transmit them to Naples.

Works: Anonymous?/Caron?: Six Masses on L'Homme armé (passim); Johannes Ockeghem: D'un aultre la (8): Anonymous: Tart ara quaresme (8).

Sources: Anonymous: Cent mille escus (8); Firminus Caron: Le despourveu (13, 23), Missa Jesus autem transiens (14, 15-17, 20-23), Missa L'Homme armé (17-23).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Numerical analysis is a useful tool in determining the relationship between paraphrase and model. This tool is used by numbering the notes of the model. Since the notes of the derived composition use the notes of the model in order, a more detailed map of the relationship between the two is possible. Melodic repetition may be included within structural elongations of pitches. Additionally, the model may undergo transposition. Interpretation of certain passages as transpositions of the model may also help solve certain problems in the application of musica ficta.

Works: Josquin des Prez: Missa Pange lingua (111-17).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

In the middle third of the fifteenth century, contrafacta of Italian, French, and Netherlandish works frequently appear in Germany. Two more contrafacta in the Lieder of Oswald von Wolkenstein can now be added to the six already known. Both poems, Mein herz das ist versert (No. 101 in the Wolkenstein Edition) and Weiss, rot, mit praun verleucht (No. 111) are set to a work from the Italian Trecento, Landini's ballata Questa fanciulla. Although No. 101 is not a literal translation of the Italian text, the two poems show similarities in content. Wolkenstein is also influenced by the verse form (the "endecasillabo") of his Italian model. He preserves only the bipartite structure of the ballata, while the overall form is removed from its refrain model. Finally, in both Wolkenstein manuscripts only the tenor has a text, a purely German feature characteristic of the "Tenorlied." Thus Landini's ballata, in which the tenor had a supporting function, was transformed in Germany into a song for tenor and an upper-voice accompaniment.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mirna Polzovic

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

[Has an extensive discussion of some of the major families of art-song reworkings, De tous biens plaine, Fors seulement, Fortuna desperata, and J'ay pris amours.]

Index Classifications: 1400s

Techniques of unification in early fifteenth century cyclic masses and mass pairs run far deeper than simply the use of a common motto or tenor. Other musical relationships such as clef combinations, signatures, finalis, number of voices, and mensurations also provided unity. Examples from the MS Bologna, Museo Civico, Bibliografia musicale, Q15, olim Liceo Musiciale 37 (BL) show several techniques of unification. Two Gloria-Credo pairs and one mass cycle by Johannes de Lymburgia show strong use of motto technique. A Gloria-Credo pair by Hugo de Lantins is related by the working out of tenor repetitions more than by motto pairing. An anonymous Gloria-Credo pair (BL 105-107) features what might be called an extended motto technique, in which borrowed canonic material is developed differently between the two movements.

Works: Johannes de Lymburgia: two Gloria-Credo pairs (BL 121-24 and 165b-167) (210-13), Mass fragment (BL 193-96) 213-15), Mass (BL 161-65) (215-18); Hugo de Lantins: Gloria-Credo pair (BL 86-87) (218-222); Anonymous: Gloria-Credo pair (BL 105-107) (222-31).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: General, 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

A textual analysis of the six Kyrie verses of the Naples masses, transcribed by Steven Whiting, casts doubt upon Richard Taruskin's hypothesis (1984) that Busnoys was the first to compose on the L'homme armé theme. One can conjecture, based on the text of the last canon (Mass 6), that there are actually two "armed men" involved, possibly representing Philip the Good and his son, Charles the Bold.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

A phenomenology of musical borrowing as an intentional compositional act can be used to trace the tradition through Western art music history and uncover what musical borrowing is in itself. Borrowing (and related terms) generally implies a sense of ownership, which in turn invokes normative concepts of musical materiality, aesthetic idea, and compositional originality. Two repertories in Western art music stand out for their borrowing practices and different approaches to composition: medieval polyphony and musique concrète. Medieval polyphony lacks the commitment to the aesthetic notion of compositional originality found in modern music. Instead, the Medieval concept of auctoritas, or relying on existing authority to legitimate one’s work, holds that no music originates from one person alone. The relationship between Binchois’s chanson De plus en plus and derivative works such as Leonel Power’s motet Anima mea liquefacta est and Ockeghem’s Missa De plus en plus demonstrates this concept. The different understanding of musical materiality in the Medieval worldview also precludes ownership in the modern sense. Half a millennium later, musique concrète held a similar approach to musical materiality, where the work of a composer is to elaborate on pre-existing material. Pieces like Pierre Schaeffer’s Ètude aux chemins de fer can be construed as “musical borrowing” if the aesthetic potentiality of sound objects is considered. By comparing acts of musical borrowing across history, a more fundamental understanding of the aesthetic and ethical considerations of the phenomenon can be reached. Instead of being seen as a compositional anomaly, musical borrowing should be promoted as a cultivation of a musical community.

Works: Leonel Power: Anima mea liquefacta est (178-79); Johannes Ockeghem: Missa De plus en plus (178-79); Pierre Schaeffer: Ètude aux chemins de fer (180-81).

Sources: Gilles Binchois: De plus en plus (178-79).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1900s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: Monophony to 1300, Polyphony to 1300, 1300s, 1400s

The rondeau Fors seulement seems to have inspired imitation by composers of numerous secular chansons in much the way that L'Homme armé inspired Mass settings. Thirty-five surviving works are based on Fors seulement. Although the rondeau itself was written before 1470, twenty-six of the Fors seulement parodies are based on Ockeghem's three-part setting, which appeared five years later. Ockeghem's superius is the part most often borrowed by other composers, but it is often placed in a different voice using a transposed mode. Two later sources seem to point toward the creation of a new cantus firmus, which served as the model for the setting (probably by Matthaeus Pipelare) published by Petrucci in Canti B in 1502. Pipelare's setting, in turn, served as a model for Antoine de Févin's setting using Fors seulement la mort rather than the original Fors seulement l'attente. Willaert's five-part setting is drawn in turn from Févin. Appendices list all thirty-five settings with their sources, and trace the lineage of borrowing from Ockeghem to Willaert.

Works: Antoine de Févin: Fors seulement (100, 116, 123, 124, 126); Adrian Willaert: Fors seulement (101-02, 117, 126).

Sources: Johannes Ockeghem: Fors seulement (94-96, 108-09, 122); Anonymous: Fors seulement (97-98, 115, 123-4); Mattheus Pipelare: Fors seulement (98-100, 115-16, 125, 126).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

[Has list of related works.]

Index Classifications: 1400s

Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century borrowing is apparent not only in a composer-to-composer context but also in the extemporized practice of singing. Contrapuntal procedures that developed out of discanting or coordination of consonances were not borrowed from individuals but belonged instead to the community. Though the relationships between the singers' improvised performances and the actual notated form are ambiguous, scribal alterations to chansons indicate that notated works were not "fixed" once they were committed to paper. Didactic exercises containing embellishments for chant tenors further suggest a strong relationship between the use of improvisatory gestures and their notated versions. Christopher Reynolds and other scholars have also identified these patterns or fundamental contrapuntal procedures as melodic and contrapuntal allusions—a process by which composers quoted or paraphrased short melodic fragments from each other with the intent of establishing a musico-textual allusion between the work and its model. Like the scribal variants and embellishment formulas, the allusions are found in the superius lines of chansons and masses and are typically no more than two perfections in length. It is clear, however, that these patterns are not allusions in many cases but resulted from shared compositional processes. The concordances between the anonymous Naples set of six L'homme armé masses and Caron's masses provide such examples: the highly stylized and commonplace contrapuntal and melodic gestures are the result of shared discant frameworks, which owe more to a particular institution's improvisational practices rather than to any individual author. The compositional frameworks within these masses thus illustrate that communal borrowings within extemporized polyphony continued even after the beginning of the "composer" era.

Works: Anonymous: Missa L'homme armé in Naples I (80-81), II (74-75, 83-84), VI (73-74); Caron: Missa L'homme armé (73-76, 80), Missa Jesus autem transiens (76, 80), Missa Clemens et benigna (77-78, 80), Pour regard doeul (78-79), Missa Accueilly m'a la belle (78-79).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

In contrast to the long-held view that the cyclic mass originated in polyphonic settings, it has recently been demonstrated by Leo Schrade that unified cycles of plainchant masses existed for several hundred years before the first documented polyphonic mass. The argument can be strongly made, however, that these early plainchant masses were unified far more by liturgical considerations than by musical ones. An exception to this may be six plainchant masses found in the Cypriot manuscript, in which each mass is unified by general similarities of melodic style and use of a single mode. Although this concept may not have originated with these works, if the 1413 dating of the Cypriot manuscript is correct, then these six masses predate any known complete polyphonic mass cycles.

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Obrecht's Missa Sicut spina rosam occupies an unusual place in the composer's output in that its cantus firmus is taken from the final portion of the respond from the Responsory Ad nutum Domini, rather than from the beginning of the chant. Also unusual is the very free treatment of the cantus firmus during the course of the mass, recalling procedures more closely associated with Ockeghem than with Obrecht. The attribution to Obrecht, however, is strengthened by the clear phrases, active rhythms, and carefully prepared cadences found throughout the mass. It seems, then, as if Obrecht was consciously alluding to Ockeghem's style, even quoting portions of his Missa Mi-Mi, though his reasons for doing so are uncertain. If one allows that Obrecht's mass was composed in the 1490s, then a likely motivation for composition was Ockeghem's death in 1497, making the Missa Sicut spina rosam one of several works written to commemorate the elder composer's death.

Works: Obrecht: Missa Sicut spina rosam (3-13).

Sources: Gregorian Chant: Ad nutum Domini (4); Ockeghem: Missa Mi-Mi (5).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Although the Missa Malheur me bat and Missa Fortuna desperata of Jacob Obrecht pose problems for chronology and dating, it is likely that both masses were composed during Obrecht's first visit to Ferrara in 1487-1488. This conclusion is based on three elements: (1) the models are located in sources that circulated first in Italy and were probably written by composers working there; (2) the stemmata suggest that their transmission began in Italy; and (3) the earliest manuscript sources predate Obrecht's second visit to Ferrara, which took place in 1504-1505. It is further likely that these masses originated in Italy because Josquin also wrote two masses on the same models. Obrecht quoted from Josquin's Missa Fortuna desperata in the Osanna section of his mass, and he also drew from Josquin's cantus firmus techniques overall.

Works: Obrecht: Missa Malheur me bat (277-89, 298-300), Missa Fortuna desperata (277, 289-300).

Sources: Martini or Malcourt: Malheur me bat (279-83); Busnois (?): Fortuna desperata (290-96); Josquin: Missa Malheur me bat (298-99), Missa Fortuna desperata (298-99).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

English musicians and their music were more prominent on the Continent after 1450 than has previously been thought. Walter Frye’s three masses, five motets, and four chansons demonstrate the particularly English style with which Continental composers had direct contact. Other composers, such as Josquin, Le Rouge, Agricola, Tinctoris, and Obrecht, drew upon Frye’s works in their own compositions. Through manuscript study and comparison of musical structure between his works, it can be determined that most of Frye’s works were transmitted as contrafacta, systematically fitted with new texts in French, Italian, or Latin instead of English. This transmission history demonstrates that Frye’s music was valued on the Continent and that it may be possible to identify more English works in Continental manuscripts after 1450.

Works: Walter Frye: Sospitati dedit (183-84, 193-95, 199), O sacrum convivium (183-94, 199), Ave Regina (187-97, 199), Trinitatis dies (193, 196, 199), O florens rosa (193-94, 199).

Sources: Walter Frye: Myn hert is lust (183, 185-89, 191, 199), Alas, alas, alas is my chief song (183-99), So ys emprentid (183, 185-91, 196-97, 199, 201), The princesse of youth (185, 188, 197).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Much scholarship has emphasized the development of the cyclic mass as a watershed moment in music history that ushered in the music of the Renaissance. Among these cyclic masses, cantus firmus masses have been singled out as historically and artistically superior to songs, motets, and other masses because of their unified aesthetic and coherence over a larger form. These modern perceptions, however, do not align with fourteenth- and fifteenth-century realities: the writings of theorists, copying records, executors’ accounts, contemporary remarks, and musical manuscripts show that masses, whether based on cantus firmi or not, were not necessarily viewed as larger units until the mid-fifteenth century, and structural coherence was not a primary concern. Rather, mass movements were conceived as separate motets and valued as demonstrations of the greatest diversity of musical expressions and compositional techniques. Modern emphasis on the importance of cyclic masses (and especially the cantus firmus mass) and their unified structural elements were largely constructs of Hegelian- and Enlightenment-influenced thinking. By suggesting that composers such as Du Fay united their music with aesthetic rather than liturgical considerations in mind, nineteenth century scholars portrayed these composers as some of the first self-conscious artists, building upon the past, yet freeing themselves from external constraints and exercising their genius.

Index Classifications: General, 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Six masses from Trent 88, 89, and 91 take their pre-existent material not from the plainchant repertory, but from secular songs. Four of these masses—Missa Wünschlichen schön and Missa Deutsches Lied from Trent 89, and Missa Sig säld und heil and Missa Zersundert ist das junge Herz mein from Trent 91—draw their tenors from Tenorlieder, polyphonic arrangements of German-texted melodies found only in sources from south Germany and Silesia. These four masses treat their borrowed material in similar ways, of which the most distinctive is the use of “block quotations.” In all four masses, the original song discantus always appears with the borrowed tenor so as to preserve the two parts’ contrapuntal relationship in the model song. These block quotations unify these masses as cycles and give them their fundamental character: some reference to the discantus-tenor framework of the model setting takes place in almost every movement of each mass, with the strongest model statements consistently placed in the Kyrie and in the Agnus Dei. Two other masses, Touront’s Missa Monÿel and the anonymous Missa Gentil madonna mia contain songs of unknown origin that act as a cyclic basis. Like the Tenorlieder masses, these two masses are organized around the use of block quotations of the discantus and tenor voices from the model song and feature the striking restatement of the song in the Agnus Dei. These common elements suggest an “Austrian manner” of song mass composition, reflective of peculiarly Austrian forms and tastes that prevailed where the masses were created.

Works: Anonymous: Missa Wünschlichen schön (214-37); Anonymous: Missa Deutsches Lied (214-37); Anonymous: Missa Sig säld und heil (214-37); Anonymous: Missa Zersundert ist das junge Herz mein (214-37); Touront: Missa Monÿel (237-38); Anonymous: Missa Gentil madonna mia (237, 248-55).

Sources: Gregorian Chant: Kyrie Cunctipotens genitor (220-21), Credo IV (Credo Cardinale) (220-21); Anonymous: Sig säld und heil (221-22).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Three types of instrumental pieces became popular in the late fifteenth-century, all of which borrowed pre-existing musical material. The instrumental chanson was by far the most widespread and artistically important type. This form used one or more voices from the source forme-fixe chanson and added two or more repetitive and rhythmically dense parts as counterpoints against the source material; however, borrowed melodic lines were only used in part and never taken in entirety. This allowed for greater freedom and flexibility in instrumental chanson compositions. Phrase lengths varied more, since there were no textual considerations in instrumental music. Note values were often shortened to create more rhythmic uniformity among the parts. Sequential and repetitive devices were more common in the instrumental chansons in comparison to their vocal models, but such devices were commonly found in large sacred vocal works, where a more abstract relationship between the text and music invited the use of sequences and repetitive designs in the music. While instrumental music depends on a strong performance tradition, the most prominent pieces of instrumental music from the early sixteenth century were still composed by singer-composers who approached the instrumental medium from a vocal standpoint. Without true predecessors, instrumental works in the mid-sixteenth century either continued to borrow from vocal models or were newly invented.

Works: Josquin: Adieu mes amours (118), Basiés moy (118), Cela sans plus (118); Isaac: Helas que devera mon cuer (118); Ghiselin: La Alfonsa (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Mon souvenir (120); Martini: Des biens d'amours (120), De la bonne chiere (120-21); Josquin: La plus des plus (120-21), La Bernardina (120-22).

Sources: Anonymous: Adieu mes amours (118), Basies moy (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: De tous biens plaine (118); Ockeghem: D'ung aultre amer (118); Hayne van Ghizeghem: Mon souvenir (120); Josquin: Vultum tuum deprecabuntur (123), Alma redemptoris mater (123).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Jir Shin Boey, Victoria Malawey

Despite the recognition of the importance of "L'Homme armé," two questions still remain outstanding: (1) what are the origins of the melody and its text, and (2) how may the earliest polyphonic elaborations of the tune be identified, grouped, and ordered? Details of the tune's structure and modality suggest that it was composed rather than arising spontaneously from folk tradition. Its traditional use as a tenor part supports the idea that the tune was once the tenor of a three-part chanson. The text can be read in light of several social and military innovations in 1440s France. Dufay appears to be the first to elaborate the melody in a mass cycle; the tradition spread to other regions of France and returned to Burgundy before spreading into Italy. There are marked stylistic differences in the oldest masses using the tune. Dufay, Josquin, Palestrina, and others used a countermelody resembling Kyrie VIII ("Kyrie de angelis") in "L'Homme armé" masses. This same countermelody appears in the "In nomine" section of John Taverner's Mass "Gloria tibi trinitas," thus suggesting a link between the "L'Homme armé" and "In nomine" traditions.

Works: Guillaume Dufay: Missa L'Homme armé (112-15, 116); Johannes Ockeghem: Missa L'Homme armé (113-15); Josquin des Prez: Missa L'Homme armé super voces musicales (116-17), Missa L'Homme armé sexti toni (117); Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Missa L'Homme armé (117); Johannes Prioris: Missa de Angelis (118-19); John Taverner: Missa Gloria tibi trinitas (120-21).

Sources: L'Homme armé; O rosa bella (101-02); Kyrie VIII ("Kyrie de Angelis") (116-21).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The combinative chansons of the Dijon Chansonnier (Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 517) demonstrate characteristics of a well-defined genre. All of the combinative chansons of the Dijon Chansonnier feature a forme fixe in the Superius, with inner voices employing a popular melody, usually a chanson à refrain. In many cases, the popular melody is presented in canon. The aim of these chansons was to combine popular and courtly styles in a humorous and ironic way. Courtly and popular texts were presented in succession. True stylistic integration was undesirable because it would have hidden the antithetical construction of the combinative elements. Appendices provide an annotated list of combinative compositions and a catalogue and transcriptions of popular melodies quoted in the combinative chansons.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

The combinative chansons of the Escorial Chansonnier (Escorial, Biblioteca del Monasterio, MS IV.a.24) show that while the witty textual allegory had reached sophisticated levels quite early, musical techniques were slower to develop. Imitative and canonic use of the popular tunes, as well as true triple chansons, did not appear for another generation. Nevertheless, some of the combinative chansons of the Escorial Chansonnier show considerable musical sophistication. Diagrams show how courtly and popular materials are distributed among voice parts. Appendices provide an annotated list of combinative compositions and a catalogue and transcriptions of popular melodies quoted in the combinative chansons.

Works: O Rosa bella/Hé Robinet (69, 107); Se je suis despourvue/Veni veni clerice (79-80, 108-10); A Florence/Hélas la fille Guilhemin (63-65, 7172, 111-13); N'oés-vous point le coc/Cocq en l'orge (74-75, 115-16); Madame de nom/Sur la rive de la mer (71, 118-19)

Index Classifications: 1400s

Combinative music of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries uses different methods to unite heterogeneous texts and melodies: simultaneous, successive, and a combination of the two. Franco-Flemish practice focused on the first two of these categories. Serious motets and melancholy songs combined texts and tunes with symbolic relationships. Double and triple chansons and compositions with mixed sacred and secular texts used satire to produce humor on an ironic level. The type of combinative writing most often found in German regions featured a combination of successive fragments within a loose form, producing a broader, nonsensical type of humor. Thus the term "quodlibet" should be understood to refer to this specific sixteenth-century German type.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Scholars have perceived polytextual Franco-Flemish polyphony from 1450 to 1530 as medieval (rather than Renaissance) in style. In reality, such polyphony from this era demonstrates complexity, obscure symbolism, deliberate artificiality, and ingenuity that are all mannerist features from a more Renaissance than medieval spirit.

Polytextual polyphony from this era exhibits the mannerist tendency to demonstrate obscure relationships through uniting disparate texts and musical topoi in a deliberately artificial and ingenious form. Motets on sacred subjects were constructed on secular cantus firmi or on liturgical melodies whose original text differed from that of the polyphonic setting. Double- and triple-texted chansons often quoted one or more pre-existent melodies whose musical style and textual content differ radically from their polyphonic context. Besides uniting diverse melodic and poetic styles, the double chanson in its mature phase fuses antithetical structures, combining the asymmetrical formes fixes with symmetrical forms in canonic layout. As a result, each composition displays a starling disparity of musical styles. This disparity of styles is what distinguishes Renaissance polytextual polyphony from medieval polyphony: medieval polyphony strove to unify various elements into a coherent whole, while Renaissance polyphony deliberately juxtaposed various elements in a complex manner.

Works: Busnois: Puis qu’aultrement – Marchez là dureau (20-27); Compère: Plaine d’ennuy – Anima mea (28-29); Josquin: Videte omnes populi (30).

Sources: Anonymous (Sarum chant): Circumdederunt me (30).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

This collection of essays concerns the practice of musical borrowing within fifteenth- and sixteenth-century music. Topics explored include questions of allusion and citation in motets and masses, the cultural contexts of masses, the process for naming masses, and types of borrowing utilized by composers. See the following authors for abstracts of individual articles: M. Jennifer Bloxam, Cathy Ann Elias, Michele Fromson, Jenny Hodgson, Honey Meconi, Christopher Reynolds, Murray Steib, and Andrew H. Weaver.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

From the mid-fifteenth century until about 1520, there was a strong tradition of reworking polyphonic art songs (i.e., secular compositions not derived from popular melodies and drawn from Flemish and Italian sources in addition to chansons). A relatively small number of models were used repeatedly, generating a large repertory of derived compostions. It is possible that composers consciously decided to use these limited models as a type of "contest" to demonstrate their craft, possibly beginning with Fors seulement. Cantus-firmus settings were written early in the tradition but became predominant later. There is no pattern of "progression" in the types of reworkings employed. Italy seems to be an important center for the art-song reworking, perhaps due to the influx of northern composers, an impatience with the forme-fixe chanson, and the development of instrumental virtuosity.

Sources: Hayne van Ghizeghem: Allez regretz (4, 5, 24, 26), De tous biens plaine (4, 5, 7, 11, 12, 17, 27-28); Gilles Binchois (?): Comme femme (4, 7, 11-12, 26); Johannes Ockeghem: D'ung aultre amer (4, 7, 11, 28-29), Fors seulement (4, 5, 14-15, 17, 20-21, 23-24, 30-31), Ma bouche rit (4, 35); Jacques Barbireau: Een vrolic wesen (4, 5, 15, 18, 29-30); Anonymous: Fors seulement, two subsidiary settings (4, 5, 10, 31), O waerde mont (4, 15, 36); Antoine Busnois (?): Fortuna desperata (4, 5, 7-8, 11-12, 13, 15, 17, 31-33); Caron (?): J'ay pris amours (4, 7, 9-10, 15, 18-19, 20, 24, 33-34); Guillaume Dufay (?): Le serviteur (4, 8-9, 19-20, 34); John Bedyngham or John Dunstable: O rosa bella (4, 12-14, 15, 24, 35-36).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Until the later sixteenth century there is insufficient evidence to support the notion put forth by scholars such as Howard Brown, Leeman Perkins, and J. Peter Burkolder that compositional procedures involving polyphonic borrowing derive from composers' conscious adoption of rhetorical ideas of imitatio. Moreover, many of the respective techniques and principles were fundamentally different. Literary imitatio had as its goal the restoration of classical rhetoric through emulation, whereas musical borrowing had no such aim. As an alternative to imitatio, one should consider the following reasons for musical borrowing in the early renaissance: (1) it was a natural outgrowth of Medieval practice; (2) it was a means of unifying a multi-sectional work; (3) as composers began to think in terms of vertical sonorities, it was natural to borrow such sonorities; (4) compositional curiosity resulted in the reuse of one's own material; (5) it was a time-saving device; (6) it was often the result of specific commissions; or (7) it intrigued the composer.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: J. Sterling Lambert, Reginald Sanders

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there was no uniform practice for titling masses in manuscript sources. Though modern scholarship has traditionally listed masses under the name of the borrowed material, works within manuscript sources were often identified by number of voices, by a title indicating the devotional function, or by no title at all. This is typical of Pierre de La Rue's output—contained in large quantities within the Habsburg-Burgundian court manuscripts—and provides a basis for investigating the justification of our modern practice and understanding the nature of naming in the Renaissance. The Habsburg-Burgundian manuscripts contain an extensive amount of rubrification, often citing the presence of preexisting material. Scribes wrote the model under one voice or provided multiple under-texting within the opening of the mass. La Rue's works show that even in the case of citations, masses were not titled according to the borrowed model. If the under-texting by scribes did not influence the name of the mass, then its primary purpose could have been to create more visual appeal and, more importantly, to call attention to the presence of the borrowed material. In addition, the popularity of the parody mass at court made musicians and scribes more attuned to the presence of polyphonic borrowing. A mass with preexisting material was more likely to be copied than sine nomine masses or those with modal identities. Modern scholars identify the mass by its model because of the analytical value attached to the borrowed model and because early music historiography emphasized naming masses in this way. Closer attention to the naming of compositions within their sources will highlight the complexities of identity and construction within this music.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The study of borrowing has been a powerful tool for analysis of music in the Renaissance period and has provoked arguments and fierce debates over defining borrowing types, providing a terminology for them, and understanding why and how composers did what they did. Controversies have arisen over "imitation" or "parody" as terms for polyphonic borrowing, differences between paraphrase and cantus firmus technique, issues of overt and covert borrowing, and whether borrowing is taking place at all. Compiling a history of borrowing in the Renaissance—in light of these challenges and when considering that much more basic research needs to be completed for many composers—seems an impossible task at this stage, but the essays within this book provide a guide to further investigation and show how borrowing remains a compelling approach to analysis and criticism of early music.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The manuscript Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, Basevi 2439 contains three sacred tricinia pieces, one by Ghiselin and two by Pierre de la Rue. They share multiple stylistic traits: considerable length, textless dissemination, foundation on a plainchant cantus firmus, and active superius and tenor voices that are often closely imitative and share short melodic motives. La Rue’s pieces are most interesting because of their interrelationship with other contemporary pieces. His Sancta Maria virgo uses a pre-existent melody and text that have not been identified. What is traceable is Nicolas Craen’s borrowing from La Rue’s Sancta Maria virgo, using the beginning, middle, and end of the secunda pars for the beginning, middle, and end of his Ecce video. Craen’s work is a straightforward parody but is an early example of this type of reworking, and the relationship is completely disguised through use of a different title. La Rue’s Si dormiero is part of a possible subset of the sacred tricinia genre: pieces of sacred origin with incipits that begin with the Latin conjunction “si” followed by the first person singular future perfect tense of a Latin verb. This interconnectedness is underscored in the final piece in Basevi, Ninot’s Si bibero, a secular Latin work that invokes multiple such “si” pieces through text and music fragments. By borrowing music from sacred pieces in his secular work, Ninot perverts their texts and adopts their musical style, fitting and flaunting the very genre of sacred tricinia.

Works: Johannes Ghiselin: O florens rosa (168-69); Pierre de la Rue: Sancta Maria virgo (169-73, 180-81), Si dormiero (173-93); Nicolas Craen: Ecce video (171-73); Ninot: Si bibero (176-96).

Sources: Anonymous: O florens rosa (168-69); Pierre de la Rue: Sancta Maria virgo (171-73), Si dormiero (173-92).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

A structural study of the tenor of a previously unidentified polyphonic intabulation, included in the Faenza Biblioteca Comunale Fa117, provides important clues in regard to its origin. An initial investigation of the tenor shows similarities with the four isorhythmic motets of Johannes Ciconia, especially his Doctorum principem. Close parallels between specific sections of the unidentified work and Doctorum principem support this hypothesis, but other factors need to be considered. The hoquetus which occurs at the end of the first two statements of the talea in the intabulation is not repeated after the third repetition. Comparing this phenomenon to the works in the manuscript, it seems possible that the intabulation is actually transcribed from a Mass movement and the missing hoquetus falls right where an Amen would have been sung. The original three-voiced polyphonic work may be partially reconstructed from the two-voiced intabulation by interpolating the autoimitations in the cantus.

Works: Faenza Biblioteca Comunale Fa117, fols. 93r-94r (46-67).

Sources: Johannes Ciconia: Doctorum principem (50-53).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Randy Goldberg

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s, 1600s, 1700s, 1800s

Brumel's Mass is a parody Mass based on his own chanson Tous les regretz, of which two versions exist: (1) Florence, Conservatorio L. Cherubini, MS Basevi 2442, and (2) Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 11239. One rhythmic feature of the superius (a dotted semibreve followed by two fusa) only appears in the Florence MS and the Mass and it seems thus likely that the version in the Italian source was the actual model. Not only melodic but also harmonic elements are preserved. The first six harmonies of the homophonic chanson can be found either expanded or contracted in the predominantly homophonic Mass. Occasional imitative duo sections draw on motives from the chanson as well.

Works: Brumel: Missa Dringhs

Sources: Brumel: Tous les regretz

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

The author only considers those songs as contrafacta for which the original text is still clearly recogizable or indicated by a marginal note. Sacred contrafacta were intended to supplant their secular models: replacing their offensive texts while saving the melodies. The latter often deviate considerably from the originals, of which there may be several versions. These deviations include melodic variants, modulations to other keys in the second half of the song, and the elimination of phrases. Laufenberg: Ich weiss eine stolze maget vin, ein edle künegin (355f.); Es taget minnencliche die sünn der gnaden vol (356); Ich wölt daz ich do heime wer (356f.); Ein lerer ruoft vil lut us hohen sinnen (357); from the Hohenfurter Liederbuch: Wolauf, wir wollens wecken (358); Hätt ich die Gnad, so wollt ich mich aufschwingen (358); Ich sich den Morgensterne (358); Philippsen der Jüngere zu Winnenberg und Beilstein: Frisch auf in Gottes Namen, Du werde Teutsche Nation (360); Mir ist ein liebes Meidelein Gefalln in meinen Sinn (360); Wiewohl ich schwach und elend bin, So hab' ich doch ein' steten Sinn (360); So wünsch ich euch ein gute Nacht (360); from the collection of Louis Pinck (Verklingende Weisen): Der himmlische Jäger (361); Ich weiss ein schönes Himmelreich (363); from the collection of Bäumker (Das katholische deutsche Kirchenlied in seinen Singweisen): Der geistlichen Meyen, Alt (363); Waris: Es scheint die Sonn am Himmel (365); Ich verlang ein Braut zu werden (366); Gute Meinung (367).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Nitschke's study looks at the cantus firmus primarily as a constructive element,not as an aspect of musical borrowing. Yet many comparisons between cantus firmus and original melody are made. In addition to Dufay's Mass cycles, Nitschke discusses secular pieces included in earlier Mass movements such as (1) the ballata Fior gentil in a Gloria setting and the ballata Deus deorum in a Credo setting by Antonio Zacara da Teramo and (2) the French folk song Tu m' a [sic] monté in the Gloria and the Italian folk song La Villanella non è bella in the Credo setting of the pair BL 33/34. Dufay's Mass Ecce ancilla is based on the two antiphons Ecce ancilla and Beata es Maria. No version of the former can be considered very close to Dufay's cantus firmus, which leads Nitschke to the suggestion that Dufay might have adjusted it to some melodic features of the antiphon Beata es Maria. The cantus firmus based on the latter shares some elements with the version from the Antiphonale Sarisburiense and some with the one from the Roman repertory. In isorhythmic sections, the cantus firmus follows the model exactly, whereas in others it may be paraphrased considerably. Dufay adapts the cantus firmus of the L'homme armé Mass in four different ways: (1) The tenor quotes the song exactly; (2) some features of the song are changed due to the canon instruction; (3) the song is paraphrased; or (4) Dufay creates his own version of the song and repeats it isorhythmically several times. As in the Mass Ecce ancilla, Nitschke could not yet locate the model for the cantus firmus of the Mass Ave regina caelorum. It shares elements with the version from Rouen and Salisbury and the printed ones as found in the Graduale Romanum and the Processionale Romanum. The Mass is also compared to the motet Ave regina caelorum, which is based on the same cantus firmus and was most probably written before the Mass. According to Nitschke it is very remarkable that the Mass borrows only two passages from the motet.

Works: Zacara da Teramo: Gloria Fior gentil (89-95), Credo Deus deorum (96-101); Dufay: Credo-Gloria BL 33/34, Missa Caput,Missa Se la face ay pale,Missa Ecce ancilla domini,Missa L'homme armé,Missa Ave regina caelorum,Missa La mort de Saint Gothardo.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Isaac was a prolific composer and well-known in his time. The idea of contrafacta was widespread among composers of the period, and there are many instances of this procedure in Isaac's works. One particularly striking example is found in his Missae Wohlauf, Gesell, von hinnen, one for four voices, the other for six voices. Noblitt shows that the Mass for six voices is largely a contrafactum of the version for four voices, with the movements of the original rearranged and expanded for the later work.

Works: Isaac: Missae Wohlauf, Gesell, von hinnen.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Paula Ring Zerkle

A Missa sine nomine attributed to Obrecht in Leipzig 51, of which only the tenor and bassus parts survive, is based on the anonymous chanson Veci la danse Barbari. The Obrecht Mass initiated a tradition of works based on this chanson, including Masses by Adam Rener and Anton Barbé, each of which also drew on previous works in the tradition. The chanson survives only in a set of partbooks lacking the bassus. The tenor of the Mass beginning at Et iterum venturus est in the Credo is almost identical to that of the chanson, and the bass of this passage fits contrapuntally with all voices of the chanson, showing that it must closely approximate the lost bassus of the chanson. This Credo also appears in two other manuscripts, freestanding in one of the Annaberg Choirbooks and as part of a Mass on the same chanson in Jena 36 attributed to Adam Rener. Many musical features tend to confirm Obrecht's authorship of the Mass in Leipzig 51, other than the Credo movement, and none contradict it. The tenor part is almost entirely derived from that of the chanson, and the bassus uses ostinatos based on fragments of the chanson tenor, and little from other voices is used (except the altus, which moves in canon or imitation with the tenor throughout the chanson). By contrast, the Credo also borrows from the bassus and discantus, much more of its bassus is derived from the model, and all four voices of the model are incorporated complete. Along with other stylistic evidence, this suggests strongly that the Credo is not by Obrecht. The Credo borrows directly from Obrecht's Gloria, showing that its composer drew not only on the chanson but also on Obrecht's Mass. These borrowing practices and other stylistic features are also uncharacteristic of the other movements of Rener's Mass, which appear to have been based on a different version of the chanson model, so that Rener is unlikely to have composed the Credo. One hypothesis that explains these facts is that Obrecht (d. 1505) left his Mass unfinished (the Agnus Dei is also missing); an unknown composer wrote the Credo to make the Mass usable, drawing extensively from the model and from Obrecht's Mass; then Rener (d. ca. 1520) wrote his Mass, incorporating the existing Credo, drawing on its material in other movements, and using Obrecht's Mass as a model. A much later Mass by Anton Barbé on the same chanson (in a version similar to that used by Rener) also draws material primarily from tenor and altus, and pays homage to the Masses by Obrecht and Rener by borrowing a brief passage from each in the opening of each movement.

Works: Obrecht: Missa sine nomine (Missa Veci la danse Barbari); Adam Rener: Missa sine nomine (Missa Veci la danse Barbari) (104, 111-12, 116-27); anonymous, Credo Veci la danse Barbari (105, 111-12, 116-27); Anton Barbe', Missa Vecy la danse de Barbarie (124-27).

Sources: Anonymous: Veci la danse Barbari; anonymous, Credo Veci la danse Barbari (111-12, 123-24); Obrecht: Missa sine nomine (Missa Veci la danse Barbari) (118-20, 123, 126-27); Adam Rener: Missa sine nomine (Missa Veci la danse Barbari) (126-27).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: J. Peter Burkholder

Isaac based his Sustinuimus pacem et non invenimus, Domine on two cantus firmi, using a version of the well known Basque tune Una musque de Buscaya in the tenor and the superius of Josquin's chanson En l'ombre d'un buissonet tout au loing d'une rivière in the superius. The new textural context of the latter accounts for the few musical deviations.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Pelnar shows that two separately notated parts in the Wolkenstein manuscript A (fols. 17r and 18r) belong together, constituting the song Frölichen so wel wir, which in turn is a contrafactum of the ballad Ay je cause destre lies et joyeux. In this and a second contrafactum (Frölich, zärtlich, lieplich based on the rondeau En tes doulz flans), Pelnar shows that in order to realize a better relation between the new text and the music, Oswald also made some melodic and rhythmic changes.

Works: Oswald von Wolkenstein: Frölichen so wel wir (26-30), Frölich, zärtlich, lieplich und klärlich, lustlich, stille, leise (31-32).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Andreas Giger

Cantus firmus masses with multiple borrowings were written by both contemporaries and precursors of Johannes Martini, a point J. Peter Burkholder failed to stress in his article on Martini (1985). In particular, Okegehm constitutes an important pre-Martini example of a composer writing cantus firmus masses with multiple borrowings. A chronology of borrowing practices may be established by examining who emulated whom. Regardless of the terminology chosen, the fundamental difference between masses with cantus firmi derived from chant and those derived from polyphonic pieces is that the latter preserve, literally or proportionally, the rhythm of the borrowed material, while the former do not. It is better on the whole, however, to use the term cantus firmus mass for all those works built around a borrowed melody.

Works: Févin: Missa Ave Maria; Martini: Missa Ma bouche rit; Obrecht: Missa Caput, Missa Fors seulement; Okegehm: Missa Fors seulement.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

At the origin of the L'homme armé tradition in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries is a group of four masses: Busnoys's L'homme armé, Okeghem's L'homme armé, Dufay's Missa L'homme armé, and Johannes Regis's Missa Dum sacrum mysterium. All four borrow elements from two chansons--Robert Morton's Il sera pour vous/L'ome armé, a polyphonic setting of the popular tune, and Okeghem's L'aultre d'antan, itself modeled upon Morton's setting. Modal procedure, mensuration, and similarities of melodic and contrapuntal design provide evidence of the borrowings. The masses by Busnoys and Okeghem show that one cantus firmus mass may be modeled on another, and thus the distinction between cantus firmus and parody masses is conceptual rather than compositional. Since Il sera pour vous originated in the Burgundian ducal court, Busnoys's mass is presumed the earliest. Okeghem most likely composed his mass soon after, judging by the treatment of material borrowed from the two chansons and by similarities to Busnoys's work. These borrowings are rooted in the rhetorical tradition of imitatio, a concept with which Busnoys, Okeghem, Dufay, and Regis were familiar.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Elizabeth Bergman

In typical discussions of Renaissance polyphonic repertoire, counterpoint and harmony prevailed as indicators of “tonal” structure, but investigating melodic considerations in conjunction with the eight church modes might reveal connections between these tonal structures. Josquin constructed his masses in one of three ways: incorporating a liturgical cantus firmus, incorporating a secular work, or basing the mass primarily on canonic devices. Cadences occur on structurally important pitches determined by the division of the octave into species of a fifth and fourth (final and co-final) as well as the tuba (recitation tone). Stranger tonal structures are created by either transposing the cantus firmus or highlighting an important pitch in the cantus firmus outside the expected tonal structure. The mode of the cantus firmus can confirm the modal structure of the work, as is the case with Missa de Beata Virgine which has different finals in the individual movements, reflecting the different finals of the borrowed chant melodies used in the work. Table 2 (203-20) includes detailed information on cadential plans in all twenty of Josquin’s masses.

Works: Josquin: Missa La sol fa re mi (202), Missa Una musque de Buscaya (202, 228, 237), Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (202, 228-30), Missa Ave maris stella (202, 221-23), Missa L’ami Baudichon (221, 223-24, 228), Missa Ad fugam (221, 225-26), Missa Sine nomine (221, 227-28, 233, 237), Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae (228), Missa D’ung aultre amer (228), Missa Da pacem (228), Missa Gaudeamus (228, 231-36, 238), Missa Faisant regretz (228, 231-32), Missa de Beata Virgine (238-39).

Sources: Alexander Agricola: Si dedero (221).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Devin Chaloux

Index Classifications: General, Monophony to 1300, 1300s, 1400s

The tune In meinem Sin and a second French version entitled Entre je suis en grant pensee are shown to serve as the melody for thirteen polyphonic compositions of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The similarities between the versions are discussed, as are the methods of their incorporation into the various compositions. In particular, Josquin's setting illustrates his preeminence among his contemporaries.

Works: Busnois: In myne zynn; Agricola: In minen sin; Isaac: In meinem sinn; Finck: In meinem sinn; Greiter: In mijnen sinn; Anonymous: In mynem zin; Schnellinger: Quodlibet; Josquin: Entre suis en grant pensee,Entre je suis; Prioris: Par vous je suis.

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Marc Moskovitz

Scholars have often noted the exceptional character of Binchois's Files a marier but have not realized that the melody employed by Binchois is also found in an anonymous triple chanson, Robinet se veult marier/Se tu t'en marias/Helás pourquoy. The tenor of the quodlibet chanson, Se tu t'en marias, is borrowed in Binchois's chanson and supplies the text for Binchois's part, since the only surviving source does not provide it. Based on this newfound borrowing, the composition could possibly be referred to as a double chanson, Files a marier/Se tu t'en marias, as it parodies the learned motet genre by using a popular tune as a cantus firmus.

Works: Binchois: Files a marier (235-36).

Sources: Anonymous: Robinet se veult marier/Se tu t'en marias/Helás pourquoy (235-36).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Although Craig Wright, Frank D'Accone, and Albert Seay have recently hypothesized an a cappella performance practice of liturgical and ceremonial music in the fifteenth century, borrowed tenors often pose problems for the application of this practice. In the final Kyrie of Dufay's Missa Se la face ay pale, one source has the incipit "tant je me deduis," a phrase that does not occur in the ballade and would probably not have been sung during the performance. In the tenor of Dufay's Missa L'homme armé, the canonic and retrograde version of the cantus firmus in the Agnus Dei makes it much more probable that the part was played by the organ or trumpet or vocalized without any text. Ockeghem's Missa L'homme armé also presents a problem because of his transposition of the cantus firmus by means of canons, creating a range of two octaves and a second throughout the Mass. Likewise, Obrecht's Missa Caput uses shifts in the pitch level of the cantus firmus. In these situations, an organ would have been the only instrument able to accommodate such a wide range. Another group of masses indicate the borrowed text in the tenor while the Mass text is present in the other voices, for example Dufay's Missa Ecce ancilla domini and Missa Ave regina caelorum, and Regis's Missa L'homme armé, Missa Haec dies quam fecit dominus, and Missa Pax vobis ego sum. Finally, English scribal traditions suggest the performance of the tenor either by the organ or by the voice singing the mass text.

Works: Dufay: Missa Se la face ay pale (5-8), Missa L'homme armé (5-8), Missa Ecce ancilla domini (18-19), Missa Ave regina caelorum (18-19); Ockeghem: Missa L'homme armé (9-12), Missa Caput (20); Obrecht: Missa Caput (13-17); Regis: Missa L'homme armé (19), Missa Haec dies quam fecit dominus (19), Missa Pax vobis (19); Anonymous: Missa Caput (20-23).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s

Nearly fifty extant masses and a few other pieces are based on the L’homme armé tune that probably dates from the first half of the fifteenth century. One of the earliest polyphonic settings of this tune, the combinative three-voice chanson Il sera par vous – L’homme armé located in the Mellon chansonnier, was most likely composed by Du Fay at Cambrai in Burgundy. Du Fay’s authorship of text and tune is consistent with his friendship with Symon le Breton (to whom the text refers in a jesting manner) as well as stylistic similarities with some of Du Fay’s other works. Shortly afterwards, Du Fay and Ockeghem each wrote masses based upon the L’homme armé tune, although it is unclear what relationship they have to Du Fay’s Il sera par vous – L’homme armé. These masses were probably written around the same time, as they borrow and pay tribute to the other through musical style or technical aspects. These three works, therefore, stand at the beginning of polyphonic composition based on the L’homme armé tune.

Works: Anonymous: Il sera par vous – L’homme armé (Mellon chansonnier) (314-18, 325-28); Busnois: Missa L’homme armé (326, 336, 351); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (327-34); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (327-34).

Sources: Anonymous: L’homme armé (Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS VI E 40) (307-9); Anonymous: Il sera par vous – L’homme armé (Mellon chansonnier) (314-18, 325-28).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s

An attempt to broach the controversy over the monophony of the vocal music contained in MSS f.fr. 9346 (Le Manuscrit de Bayeux) and f.fr. 12744 in the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale considers (1) the related theories of Gerold and Bukofzer that the collections do not contain monophonic chansons but are made up of parts extracted from polyphonic compositions and (2) similar research on MS 4379 and the Tournai Chansonnier. The authors provide a list of the forty-eight polyphonic sources consulted in tracking down the melodies and a chart that lists the differences for all compositions examined. The melodies of Bayeux and 12744 are not mere voice-parts extracted from polyphonic compositions; those that appear elsewhere in polyphonic settings are the pre-existent bases of these works rather than transcriptions arranged from them.

Works: Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS f.fr. 9346 (Le Manuscrit de Bayeux); Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS f.fr. 12744; Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS n.a.fr. 4379 (4, 5, 7); Tournai Chansonnier (5, 7).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Jean Pang

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

It is well known that fifteenth-century composers typically used a chanson melody as a cantus firmus when writing masses. There is evidence to suggest that the added contrapuntal voices often quoted or alluded to chansons independent of the melody used in the tenor. Several cases of this appear in works by Dufay, Ockeghem, Caron, Faugues, and others. This technique allowed these composers to make multiple allusions to secular texts within a single passage, enriching the sung mass text with new layers of meaning. Since a central concern of the Italian humanists was to offer modern interpretations on religious themes by way of popular allusions, it seems that in this respect the ideals of the northern composers resonated strongly with humanism, challenging the notion that their music was purely "scholastic."

Works: Busnois: J'ay mains de biens (228-29); Anonymous: Fortune, n'as-tu point pitié (230-31, 241); Agricola: Je n'ay dueil que de vos viegna (230-31, 245); Faugues: Missa Pour l'amour d'une (233, 247); Cornago: Missa Ayo vista lo mappamundo (234, 237, 247-48); Seraphinus: Credo (234-36); Faugues: Missa Je suis en la mer (234-36); Dufay: Gloria (236-37); Faugues: Missa Le serviteur (237-38); Caron: Missa Clemens et benigna (237-39); Anonymous: Missa L'homme armé (240); Ockeghem: Missa Caput (240-41); Compère: Le renvoy d'ung cueur esgaré (240-41); Caron: Missa Sanguis sanctorum (241-43); Dufay: Missa Se la face ay pale (243-44); Ockeghem: Missa (245-46).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mark S. Spicer

A new interpretation and dating of Josquin's Missa Hercules dux ferrariae is possible based on evidence that in composing the famous hexachordal motive for the mass, Josquin alluded to the works of other composers. Allusion is a form of play that provided fifteenth-century composers an opportunity to show their wit and learning and to imbue their compositions with symbolic meaning as Josquin did in Missa Faisant regrets. Though Josquin constructed the motto from the vowels of Duke Ercole's name, he could have adapted the motto from a phrase in Walter Frye's Missa Nobilis et pulchra and the opening phrase from an anonymous Marian composition Salve regis mater (possibly by Marbriano de Orto). Josquin's motive alludes to the contratenor part of Frye's mass, a phrase that appears only once in Frye's entire work on the words "ex Maria virgine." The motivic resemblances between Josquin's Missa Hercules, the anonymous Salve regis mater, and Frye's Missa Nobilis infuse Missa Hercules with Marian symbolism, resonating with Ercole's religious devotion to the Virgin Mary. Josquin's allusions to these masses and his modeling both on Antoine Brumel's hexachordal Missa Ut re mi fa sol la and Agricola's song-motet Si dedero additionally suggest a later dating of 1503 for the mass. The connections between Missa Hercules and the above pieces thus illuminate the Marian associations of the work and support an early sixteenth-century dating.

Works: Josquin: Missa Hercules dux ferrariae (91-110), Missa faisants regrets (94-97).

Sources: Walter Frye: Missa Nobilis et pulchra (93, 97-101), Tout a par moy (94, 102-3); Anonymous/De Orto?: Salve regis mater (93, 99); Antoine Brumel: Missa Ut re mi fa sol la (105-6); Agricola: Si dedero (106-7).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s

The origins and authorship of a fifteenth century mass found in Siena, Biblioteca comunale degli Intronati, K. I.2, have been subject to much scholarly debate. This mass uses a variety of songs as cantus firmi, most of which remain unidentified. The identification of two cantus firmi, however, supports the idea of Obrecht as composer of the Siena mass. One cantus firmus from the Agnus Dei of the Siena mass is found in the Agnus Dei of Obrecht’s Missa Plurimorum carminum I. The second cantus firmus is derived from the German chorale Ach Gott von Himmel sieh darein, first published in 1410 as a German song with the words Begirlich in dem hertzen min. Two other works also borrow this chorale, Obrecht’s Laet u gehnoughen liever Johan and an anonymous Gaude mater in gaudio. The similarities in melody and structure between these three works lead to the conclusion that Obrecht composed both the Gaude mater in gaudio and the Siena mass.

Works: Anonymous: Missa (Siena, Biblioteca comunale degli Intronati, K. I.2) (447-76); Gaspar van Weerbeke: O salutaris hostia (457-71); Anonymous: Gaude mater in gaudio (457-71); Obrecht: Laet u ghenoughen liever Johan (457-71).

Sources: Obrecht: Missa Plurimorum carminum I (456-58, 471-77); Anonymous: Begirlich in dem hertzen min (456-71).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

The Benedictus of Jacob Obrecht’s Missa Malheur me bat demonstrates a theoretical awareness of double counterpoint well before its principles were laid out in written music theory in the mid-sixteenth century. The mass’s model, Malcort’s Malheur me bat, exhibits imitative counterpoint with its tenor. Rather than duplicating Malcort’s imitation, Obrecht modifies the relationship between voices to create a new imitative relationship at a new transposition. Obrecht’s ability to spot this relationship between the voices in Malcort’s song opens up further questions in how he conceived of the music at a fundamental level. At the time, counterpoint was thought of as a primarily vertical relationship, Obrecht would only have access to part books, and the idea of Obrecht “hearing” the piece as a whole (as one might today) is in danger of an overly “presentist” approach to music history. On the other hand, an overly “historicist” approach denies the motivic approach to counterpoint documented in Obrecht’s mass.

Works: Jacob Obrecht: Missa Malheur me bat (61-67).

Sources: Malcort: Malheur me bat (61-67).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

The Benedictus of Jacob Obrecht’s Missa Malheur me bat contains an unusual treatment of the borrowed voices of its model, Malcort’s Malheur me bat. Obrecht’s bassus voice corresponds exactly to Malcort’s superius voice for the first nine measures transposed down a twelfth. Subjected to this transformation, the contrapuntal relationship between pitches, save for the rare simultaneous sixths, remain the same. This procedure uses the underlying principle of double counterpoint, despite being composed in an era before written music theory codified the practice in the mid-sixteenth century. The purpose of this segment of double counterpoint also warrants consideration as the transformation remains hidden, suggesting it was simply an economical means of filling out a section of music. The construction of the Benedictus without the presence of a full score further implies that Obrecht had a powerful aural memory of Malheur me bat, conceivably from performing the piece at Bergen-op-Zoom between 1480 and 1484. The suggestion of such an aural memory implies Obrecht heard the piece as a unitary whole, not unlike modern listeners. This idea raises problems as a “presentist” approach to music history. However, to say that Obrecht may have heard Malheur me bat in a presently relatable way does not mean that he brought all of the contemporary baggage to it.

Works: Jacob Obrecht: Missa Malheur me bat

Sources: Malcort: Malheur me bat

Index Classifications: 1400s

The meaning of Guillaume Du Fay’s Missa Se la face ay pale, based on his ballade of the same title, is best understood not through the suggestion that it was composed to celebrate the wedding of Amadeus of Savoy in 1452, but by linking its origins to the acquisition of the Holy Shroud (later called The Shroud of Turin) by Duke Louis of Savoy in 1453. Thus, the “pale face” is that of Christ, not the bridegroom. The wedding theory is unlikely because polyphonic masses were rarely composed for weddings in Du Fay’s lifetime, and because Du Fay’s ballade Se la face ay pale poetically presents a forlorn and bitter love atypical of wedding celebrations. Rather, Missa Se la face ay pale invites a Christological reading in which Christ is the man with the pale face and the Soul is his lover. Du Fay’s ballade text uses similar imagery to French Passion poetry, and the motif of Christ’s pale face was common in contemporary poetry and art. By using his ballade as the basis for a mass, Du Fay emphasizes these signs and imagery. The motivation for composing such a Christocentric mass was most likely the arrival of the Holy Shroud at the Court of Savoy, Du Fay’s patron. While using Se la face ay pale as a source directly suggests Christ’s face through its text, invoking its unusual five-syllable lines could also be a reference to the Five Wounds of Christ, relating to the image of Christ’s body on the Shroud. The singularity of the Holy Shroud further explains why other composers did not cultivate a Se la face ay pale mass tradition similar to the L’Homme armé tradition.

Works: Guillaume Du Fay: Missa Se la face ay pale (388-409, 424-33)

Sources: Guillaume Du Fay: Se la face ay pale (388-409, 424-33)

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

A prominently depicted theme in Medieval liturgy, religious art and drama, and folkloric practices was that of Genesis 3:15, in which a savior of humankind crushes the head of the serpent (i.e., the Devil). This promise of the victory of good over evil is represented musically in three fifteenth-century polyphonic masses and a Marian polyphonic motet. These four works use as a cantus firmus the melisma on the word “caput” (head) from the Sarum antiphon Venit ad Petrum. Therefore, incorporation of this melisma (which represents the “head” of the serpent) creates a specific meaning (the conquering of the devil/sin by Christ or the Virgin Mary) that unites these four seemingly disparate works.

A Caput mass by an anonymous English composer served as progenitor of two other masses composed on the same cantus firmus: Missa Caput by Ockeghem, composed in the late 1450s, and a Missa Caput composed by Obrecht in the late 1480s. Ockeghem’s use of canon, Obrecht’s migration of the Caput melisma through all voices of his mass, and both composers’ employment of the cantus firmus in the lowest voice (thereby creating unusual harmonies) serve as musical illustrations of the struggle and ultimate victory of Christ and the Virgin Mary over the Devil. While the Caput mass tradition died out by end of the fifteenth century, Richard Hygons set the Marian text Salve regina to the Caput melody around 1500, tying in the increasing importance of the cult of the Virgin Mary with existing traditions of Mary as “she who crushes the dragon’s head.”

Works: Anonymous: Missa Caput (537-41, 567-72, 581-84, 595-602); Ockeghem: Missa Caput (539-41, 567-72, 581-91, 595-602); Obrecht: Missa Caput (539-41, 567-72, 581-84, 592-602); Richard Hygons: Salve regina (598-600).

Sources: Anonymous: Missa Caput (537-41, 567-72, 581-84, 595-602); Anonymous (Sarum antiphon): Venit ad Petrum (541-72, 581-84).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

New biographical information on Josquin des Prez has forced us to reconsider his compositional output and to revise our perceptions of him in comparison to his contemporaries. Recent archival discoveries now place Josquin's birth date around 1450 and date his arrival in Italy twenty-five years later than previously believed. From these revisions, it is clear that Josquin was contemporary with his generation and that he reached his first compositional maturity around 1490, during which time he was employed as a singer in the Sistine Chapel. It is further possible to draw comparisons between Josquin and other musicians at the Chapel such as Marbrianus de Orto, who produced a large body of work while employed there. Although Josquin did not directly quote from de Orto's works, he learned and borrowed a range of compositional techniques from cantus firmus treatment to contrapuntal and melodic writing. Examples of Josquin's procedural borrowings from de Orto include: (1) using a variety of mensuration signs and presenting the cantus firmus in the "wrong" mode in his Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales, a technique employed by de Orto in his Missa L'homme armé; (2) incorporating an ostinato cantus firmus, which appears on multiple pitch levels in the tenor motet Illibata; (3) composing strict canons in a clear reference to de Orto's Missa Ad fugam; (4) employing "conspicuous repetition," in Missa Fortuna desperata and in Missa La sol fa re mi, a method also used by de Orto in his L'homme armé and Ad fugam masses; and (5) absorbing compositional procedures from de Orto in a setting of Si j'ay perdu mon amy. These examples show Josquin's competitive drive and his absorption of compositional techniques around him as a way of establishing a distinctive voice.

Works: Josquin: Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales (322-30, 341), Illibata (331-37, 341-42), Ave maris stella (340-41), Missa Fortuna desperata (342), Missa La sol fa re mi (348-50), Si j'ay perdu mon amy (353-58).

Sources: Marbrianus de Orto: Missa L'homme armé (322-30, 344-47, 352), Ave Marie mater gratie (332-37), Da pacem Domine (337), Missa Ad fugam (338-41, 347-48), Si j'ay perdu mon amy (353-58).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The L’homme armé tradition is perhaps the best example of musical borrowing in Renaissance music, but we know very little about the reasoning behind most of the masses in the tradition. Cultural associations for L’homme armé are difficult to pick out and likely forgotten about by new generations of composers, leaving aesthetics, not politics, as the justification for compositional techniques. Three masses set the precedent for the L’homme armé tradition: the settings of Du Fay, Ockeghem, and Regis, all ca. 1460. Each setting caused a number of successive composers to imitate their musical devices. As more L’homme armé masses were written, composers looked to more recent models than the original three, or they set a unique path entirely. Fifteenth-century composers often attempted to outclass each other while simultaneously being part of the shared L’homme armé tradition. The term “borrowing” is problematic when it comes to these masses, as it implies intentionality, which cannot be firmly established in many instances. Caution must be taken when discussing this music in terms of borrowing because it was common for composers to memorize stock phrases and follow strict compositional rules in this era. Furthermore, masses with “borrowing” are not inherently more interesting than those without, and thus should not be privileged in critical discourse. With this ambiguity surrounding “borrowing,” “echo” might be a more neutral and encompassing way to describe the transformations of shared material in the L’homme armé tradition.

Works: Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Firminus Caron: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Guillaume Faugues: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Anonymous (Naples I-VI): Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Busnoys: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Anonymous (Bologna Q.16): Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Tinctoris: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Loyset Compére: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Obrecht: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Philippe Basiron: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75); Marbrianus de Orto: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Josquin: Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales (74-75), Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (72, 74-75); Brumel: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); La Rue: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa L’homme armé (74-75); Bertrandus Vaqueras: Missa L’homme armé (72, 74-75).

Sources: Anonymous: L’homme armé (69-70); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75); Regis: Missa L’homme armé (71-72, 74-75).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sarah Kirkman, Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Throughout ca. 1200 to ca. 1500, the symbolic meaning of springtime was deeply linked to the Easter season and to the Virgin Mary in both sacred and secular music. One case study demonstrating this relationship is the diverse collection of thirteenth-century compositions based on the In seculum tenor, which is drawn from the Easter gradual Haec dies. Pastourelles based on the tenor, for instance L’autre jour par un matin/Au tens pascour/In seculum, are not explicitly religious, but they do draw on the springtime association of the Easter tenor. Courtly love songs such as Ja n’amerai autre que cele/In seculum similarly evoke Marian overtones with the In seculum tenor. Surprisingly, there are relatively few Latin motets based on the tenor. The springtime/Easter association of In seculum—paired with its malleable text (“in eternity”)—thematically link the disparate uses of the tenor in various genres. A second case study linking springtime and Easter comes from comparing two sixteenth-century paraphrase settings of Easter sequences: Henricus Isaac’s Laudes salvatori and Josquin des Prez’s Victimae paschali laudes. Isaac’s Laudes salvatori sets a paraphrase of the Easter Sunday chant of the same title and incorporates paraphrases of two other chants, Regina caeli and Victimae paschali laudes, as secondary cantus firmi. Together, these paraphrased chants link the Easter Resurrection to Marian imagery. Josquin’s Victimae paschali laudes paraphrases the chant melody throughout and also includes strict quotations of two secular chansons in the superius voice: Ockeghem’s D’ung aultre amer and Hayne van Ghizeghem’s De tous biens plaine. These selections also link Easter and Marian imagery, but the secular songs Josquin quotes work in a similar way to the thirteenth-century examples by evoking springtime imagery as well. Both case studies demonstrate the centuries-long association between springtime, Easter, and the Virgin Mary in music.

Works: Anonymous: L’autre jour par un matin/Au tens pascour/In seculum (329-336), Ja n’amerai autre que cele/In seculum (341-45), Li doz maus m’ocit/Trop ai lonc tens en folie/Ma Loiauté m’a nuisi/In seculum (345-350), O felix puerpera domina/[In seculum] (350-53), In seculum Artifex seculi/In seculum supra mulieres/[In seculum] (353-54); Henricus Isaac: Laudes salvatori (360-76); Josquin dez Prez: Victimae paschali laudes (377-86)

Sources: Anonymous: In seculum (from Haec dies) (329-54), Regina caeli (360-76), Victimae paschali laudes (360-76); Notker Balbulus: Laudes salvatori (360-76); Ockeghem: D’ung aultre amer (377-86); Hayne van Ghizeghem: De tous biens plaine (377-86)

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Many of the works of Pierre de la Rue have been mistakenly ascribed to Josquin des Prez. A comparison of key compositional techniques in their four-voice masses may reveal why this error occurred so frequently. Few differences in cantus firmus treatment can be found between the composers, with both using the borrowed material fairly literally, in extended note values, as the basis for an ostinato pattern, or as a basis for melismatic elaboration. Both composers make frequent use of the motto technique as a means of unification within masses. In their early parody masses, both composers tended to borrow from individual voices rather than an entire polyphonic source, although La Rue borrowed more heavily from all voices later in his career. Since their treatment of borrowed material is similar in many cases, an examination of differences in melodic development is more useful for distinguishing between the styles of these two composers.

Works: Josquin: Missa L'homme armé (370, 371), Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales (370, 371): La Rue: Missa L'homme armé (370, 371), Missa Cum jucunditate (371, 373), Missa Puer natus (371), Missa Nunqua fué pena maior (371, 372): Josquin: Missa Allez regretz (371), Missa Ave maris stella (371), Missa Ad fugum (371), Missa Di dadi (371), Missa L'ami Baudichon (371), Missa Malheur me bat (372), Missa Fortuna desperata (372), Missa Mater patris (372), Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae (372), Missa La sol fa re mi (372), Missa Faisant regretz (372); La Rue: Missa Incessament (372), Missa Ave sanctissima Maria (372, 375), Missa Almana (373, 374).

Sources: Hayne van Ghizeghem: Allez regretz (371); Ockeghem: Malheur me bat (372); Busnois: Fortuna desperata (372).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

“Missae Parodiae”—masses which take their sources in polyphonic works—are misleadingly named, as their sources are not parodied, but used as points of departure for the mass. Burgundian composers of Ockeghem’s generation began using secular sources such as the chanson rather than other masses as the sources for their own elaborative masses. By the 1500s, the liturgical motet became the primary source for elaborative masses, a practice which was also taken up by French composers.

Works: Ockeghem: Fors seullement (7); Heinrich Isaac: O Praeclara (7); Antonine Févin: Ave Maria (8), Sancta Trinitas (8); Pierre de la Rue: Ave Sanctissima Maria (8).

Sources: Ockheghem: Fors seullement (7); Agricola: Si dedero (7); Busnois: Le Serviteur (7); Heinrich Issac: Rogamus te (7); Josquin: Mente tota (8).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Maria Fokina

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

The organ sections of alternatim masses in the fifteenth century are not arrangements of pre-existent polyphonic works but instead involve a newly composed duplum of an instrumental texture set above the Gregorian chant tenor. The organ alternates with the chorus that sings the chant in unison rather than with a polyphonic composition. This process of composition reveals an astonishing originality because the model for organ compositions comes from the organum of the twelfth century, a historical distance of three hundred years. Although it may seem strange that vocal organum could inspire fifteenth century organ music, there is evidence that suggests this vocal idiom was in use over a longer period of time in a number of European regions. There were also phases in the development of the organ mass, the first of which involved an elaborate duplum against the unrhythmical and sustained tenor. In the second stage, the tenor became more rhythmicized as a way of coordinating harmonies but usually only during limited sections of clausulae. The third development is the conductus style in which both voices move in chords, a form that is idiomatic to the instrument.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Scholars have long debated over the true evolution of the practice of fauxbourdon. They argue over whether it was a reproduction of an English method of cantus supra librum, or if it was conceived independently on the continent. The technique first appeared in the Communion of Dufay's Missa Sancti Jacobi, and the term "faburden" was in use in England by 1430. It evolved from a tradition of improvised polyphony in England that involved three voices singing in a primarily parallel style. The borrowed cantus firmus appeared in the middle voice, a technique that sets English practice apart from the continental one, where the cantus firmus appears in the treble. Musicians on the continent used and modified faburden, with similar aural results. Two written examples in the Old Hall manuscript are exceptions that prove the rule that faburden was an improvisatory technique. O lux beata Trinitas uses the plainchant in the middle voice transposed up a fifth and in a rhythmically flexible manner, with the outer voices lightly ornamented. In the Gloria trope Spiritus procedens, the chant is paraphrased untransposed in the middle voice. Thus, pieces using fauxbourdon exhibit the characteristics of faburden, proving the English origin of the practice.

Works: Dufay: Missa Sancti Jacobi (345); Binchois: Te Deum (351); Anonymous: O lux beata Trinitas (352); Gloria trope: Spiritus procedens (352); Credo: Conditor alme siderum (352); Anonymous: Te Deum (352).

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Rebecca Dowsley

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

A number of surviving manuscripts contain masses with a motet based on the same musical material included at the end of the cycle. While it is easy to assume that these masses are merely parody masses based on the accompanying motet, it appears instead that these are examples of masses and motets conceived simultaneously. Unity is achieved primarily through the use of a common tenor and/or head motive that occurs throughout, with similarities in remaining voices varying greatly from one example to another. The six positively identified examples of the mass-motet cycle all exist in manuscripts located in southern Germany, and many of the compositional traits in each mass suggest the influence of the continental English composers working in Germany in the first half of the fifteenth century. Given the few extant examples of the mass-motet cycle, it is likely that its popularity was limited due to the lack of liturgical function associated with the motet.

Works: Anonymous: Missa O rosa bella, O pater eterne (303-5); Philipus: Missa Hilf und gib rat, O gloriosa mater cristi maria (305-6); Anonymous: Missa Esclave puist yl, Gaude maria virgo (307-8); de Rouge: Missa Soyez aprantiz (309-10); Anonymous: Stella coeli extirpavit (309-10); Anonymous: Missa Meditatio cordis, Gaude maria virgo (309); Frye: Missa Summe trinitati (310); Anonymous: Salve virgo mater pia (310).

Sources: Dunstable: O rosa bella (303); Binchois: Esclave puist yl (307); Frye: So ys emprentid (309); Gregorian Chant: Meditatio cordis (309), Summae trinitati (310).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Four German manuscripts of the fifteenth century (Lochamer Liederbuch and Fundamentum organisandi, bound together as Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Mus. MS 60413; Schedelsches Liederbuch, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cim. 351a; and Buxheimer Orgelbuch, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cim. 352b = Mus. MS 3725) contain a number of French, Italian or English pieces that were adapted or altered through instrumental arrangement or replacement of the original English, French, or Italian texts with German or Latin texts. These four manuscripts form a cohesive group with regard to time of origin and contents, as each manuscript includes foreign pieces also present in the other manuscripts. Therefore, these manuscripts are useful for understanding dissemination of foreign works, demonstrating the popularity of well-known composers such as Du Fay as well as the popularity in Germany of lesser-known composers such as Johannes Touront.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

In the second half of the fifteenth century, many composers from both France and Italy were experimenting with polyphonic quotation. An examination of the masses of three composers shows the different ways in which polyphonic borrowing was accomplished. Johannes Martini tended to quote both cantus firmus and other polyphonic voices literally. Heinrich Isaac paraphrased cantus firmus and other voices of the models, often using entire phrases but freely changing the vertical alignment as well as the melodic content. Josquin des Prez mixed literal and paraphrased borrowings, usually using less than an entire phrase worth of material. In terms of borrowing techniques, it is very unlikely that the anonymous Missa O rosa bella III was composed by Martini, as Reinhard Strohm has suggested.

Works: Johannes Martini: Missa Ma bouche rit (6-7, 10-11), Missa La martinella (6-10); Heinrich Isaac: Missa Comme femme desconfortée (11-18); Josquin des Prez: Missa Fortuna desperata (18-22); Anonymous: Missa O rose bella III (23-24).

Sources: Johannes Ockeghem: Ma bouche rit (7, 10-11); Johannes Martini: La martinella (9-10); Gilles Binchois: Comme femme desconfortée (13-18); Antoine Busnois: Fortuna desperata (18-22); John Bedyngham: O rose bella (23-24).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Index Classifications: 1400s

A Missa De tous biens plaines, one of six mass settings based on Hayne's chanson of the same name, is found in five sources with conflicting attributions. The cantus firmus is quoted almost literally throughout, varying only at approaches to a cadence, and phrases taken from the chanson are frequently split in the middle of a phrase, rather than at a cadence. While this technique is unusual in fifteenth-century practice, it can be found in several masses by Compère. A comparison of this work to Compère's masses, and specifically to his Missa Ominum bonorum plena, reveals additional similarities in compositional approach. Besides being based on the same chanson, both the Missa De tous biens plaines and the Missa Ominum bonorum plena feature a simplicity of cantus firmus setting not found in Compère's other masses, and both have distinctly Marian associations. These similarities suggest that the two masses were composed at approximately the same time, and that both can be convincingly attributed to Compère.

Works: Compère: Missa De tous biens plaine (437-54), Missa Alles regrets (448-50), Missa L'homme armé (448-49), Missa Ominum bonorum plena (448-54).

Sources: Hayne van Ghizeghem: De tous biens plaine (438).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

In comparison to other contemporary composers such as Isaac, Martini, and Josquin, Johannes Ockeghem is the only composer who varied his approach to borrowed material within his masses. In the second half of the fifteenth century, composers used polyphonic quotation, a method of borrowing the tenor melody and other voices from a polyphonic work within their masses. Three kinds of polyphonic quotation were employed: literal (adhering to the model but with an occasional ornamental note), paraphrased (extensive use of ornamentation, often obscuring the actual model), or mixed (an incorporation of both literal and paraphrased techniques within a piece). Four of Ockeghem's masses are based on a polyphonic model with a cantus firmus as the structural basis, and two of his masses allude to polyphonic models making occasional reference to the model but not as a cantus firmus. In Ockeghem's Missa Fors seulement and Missa Ma maistresse, both based on his own chansons, the borrowed cantus firmus and discant are stated literally within the new work. In Missa De plus en plus, based on Binchois's rondeau, Ockeghem paraphrased the cantus firmus melodically and rhythmically. Ockeghem's Missa Au travail suis is based on a rondeau of uncertain authorship, but like Missa Fors seulement and Missa Ma maistresse, the chanson tenor is stated literally and in its entirety within the Kyrie. In Missa Mi mi, Ockeghem alludes briefly and literally to his bergerette Presque transi, and similarly in the Missa L'homme armé, Ockeghem alludes once to Robert Morton's chanson Il sera pour vous/L'homme armé. It appears, then, that Ockeghem had a different approach to borrowing depending on whether he wrote the model himself or borrowed from another composer. He borrowed literally in the masses that were based on his own work or in masses with brief allusions. Because Ockeghem used literal quotations in cases where he borrowed from himself, this suggests that Missa Au travail suis is based on his own chanson. Ockeghem's polyphonic quotations demonstrate his individuality as a composer who used different borrowing techniques depending on the authorship of the model.

Works: Ockeghem: Missa Fors seulement (40-43), Missa Ma maistresse (43-45), Missa De plus en plus (45-49), Missa Au travail suis (49-53), Missa Mi mi (53-57), Missa L'homme armé (57-60).

Sources: Ockeghem: Fors seulement l'actente (40-43), Ma maistresse (43-45), Presque transi (53-57), L'aultre d'antan; Binchois: De plus en plus (45-49); Barbingant or Ockeghem: Au travail suis (49-53); Morton: Il sera pour vous/L'homme armé (57-60).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Alpha.M.5.24 (often referred to as the “Modena Manuscript”) is an important collection of Ars subtilior French songs, including some composed by Matteo da Perugia and Antonella de Caserta. The contributions by these two composers have garnered attention because they invoke music from the previous generation’s most influential composer, Guillaume de Machaut. Following a common practice of the late 14th century, Antonello de Caserta imbues his song Biauté parfaite with the metrical and textual qualities found in Machaut’s song of the same title. Matteo da Perugia uses Machaut’s Se vous n’estes as a scaffolding for a new composition by adding a new countertenor to the original song. He also quotes two Machaut songs directly in his ballade Se je me plaing de fortune. Tables and charts with extensive musical examples highlight the connection between the Modena Manuscript and Machaut’s works. These examples also demonstrate the variety of borrowing and reworking that occurs in compositions of the early fourteenth century, which are consistent with copying and transmission practices elsewhere during the period. Even so, the relationship of the composers represented within the manuscript to their looming predecessor is difficult to interpret without the referencing later notions of authorship and authority. This problem is alleviated by the emerging sense of authorship for secular songs and a new practice of circulating polyphonic songs. This opens the possibility for seeing an emerging historical self-consciousness among composers at the end of the fourteenth century. Thus, the invocation of Machaut in the Modena Manuscript can be interpreted as an early example of the borrower invoking the authority of the source.

Works: Antonello de Caserta: Biauté parfaite (172, 175-77); Matteo da Perugia: Se vous n’estes (172, 177-80), Se je me plaing de fortune (172, 180-87); Anonymous: Dame qui fut (185-87); Johannes Ciconia: Sus une fontayne (187).

Sources: Machaut: Se vous n’estes (177-80), De Fortune je me doi plaindre (179-87), Se je me plaing, je n’en puis mais (179-87); Filippotto da Caserta: En atendant, souffrir m’estuet (188), Sus une fontayne (188).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Jaime Carini, Elizabeth Stoner, Nicolette van den Bogerd

Index Classifications: 1400s

Index Classifications: 1400s

The Missa L'homme armé by Jacob Obrecht is a parody of Busnois's mass on the same theme. Obrecht's mass quotes the tenor exactly as does Busnois, and even Obrecht's free sections correspond to the other composer's mass. These similarities are, however, contrasted by Obrecht's use of new canons, more extensive use of imitation, and new harmonic schemes. The relations between these masses supports the theorist Aron's notion that Busnois had written the model and that Obrecht's work is a tribute to the "authority" of that model. Morton's chanson setting of L'homme armé also gives credence to Busnois as the author of the model, since his work is almost entirely a borrowing of the "Tu solus altissimus" section of Busnois's mass.

Works: Obrecht: Missa L'homme armé; Busnois: Missa L'homme armé; Morton: L'homme armé.

Sources: Busnois (?): L'homme armé; Busnois: Missa L'homme armé.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Index Classifications: 1400s

The use of prolation signatures in the L'Homme armé Mass by Busnoys (Busnois) suggests that he was the first to base a Mass on this tune. His use of a major-prolation signature in the tenor part is a device that looks backward to English composers of the Old Hall generation and to the isorhythmic motet. The transmission of mensuration signatures in various sources also establishes the Chigi Codex (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigiana C.VIII.234) as the most authentic reading. Busnois's mass is unified by an elaborate Pythagorean structure of durational ratios, figured by counting the total number of tempora. Throughout the Mass, it is the tactus rather than the tempus that is consistent, explaining certain notational eccentricities in the Tu Solus and Confiteor sections. At the Et incarnatus, the central point of the Mass, there are 31 tempora. There were 31 chevaliers in the Order of the Golden Fleece at its founding by Philip the Good of Burgundy in 1430. This detail, along with proportional structuring and the use of multiples of 31 found in the six anonymous masses of Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS VI E 40 suggest that they were composed by Busnois. The association of Busnois with augmentational notation in tenor parts, as well as certain problems with attributions in manuscript sources, do not exclude him as the composer of "Il sera pour vous" (attributed to Robert Morton), a chanson from which the L'Homme armé tradition is thought to have sprung.

Works: Antoine Busnoys (Busnois): Missa L'Homme armé (passim); Guillaume Faugues: Missa L'Homme armé (262-63, 274); Guillaume Dufay: Missa L'Homme armé (263, 265, 267); Philippe Basiron: Missa L'Homme armé (263-64); Anonymous: Six Masses on L'Homme armé (Naples) (275-83). Related Works: Johannes Pullois: Victimae paschali (287-89).

Sources: Antoine Busnois (Busnois): Missa L'Homme armé (262-64); Robert Morton [attrib.]: Il sera pour vous conbatu (265, 273, 288-92).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Felix Cox

Busnoys's L'Homme armé Mass is, in fact, the progenitor of the L'Homme armé tradition, and he is the composer of the chanson Il sera pour vous , as well. The number 31 links the L'Homme armé Mass to the Order of the Golden Fleece, and thus to Busnoys. Contrary to David Fallows's claim for Dufay as progenitor (1987), Dufay's Mass is by far the more complex and prolix of the two, thereby positing itself as an emulation by "the Old Man bestirring himself to put the whippersnappers in their place."

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Edward D. Latham

Despite the debate between scholars, there is sufficient musical evidence to demonstrate conclusively that Isaac’s Missa Salva Nos predates his funeral motet Quis dabit capiti meo aquam. The mass draws its cantus firmus from the antiphon Salva nos, Domine, which consists of five phrase segments. Isaac exclusively uses the last of these segments for the Kyrie II, Cum Sancto (Gloria), and Osanna II (Sanctus). This same segment appears as a cantus firmus in his motet along with musical material from the other voices in these same sections of the mass. Therefore, it is logical to conclude that Isaac extracted the motet from the mass rather than used the motet as a model for the mass. This type of musical extraction is at work in other musical genres, such as tricinim that are drawn from “tenor tacet” sections of masses.

Works: Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (82-87), Missa Quant j’ay au cor (88); Anonymous: Bassadanza (89).

Sources: Anonymous: Salva nos, Domine (83-87); Isaac: Missa Salva nos (82-87), Missa Quant j’ay au cor (88), Missa La Spagna (89).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Daniel Rogers

In the Missa L'homme armé, Missa De tous bien plaine, Missa Fortuna desperata, and Missa Petrus Apostolus, Jacob Obrecht presents the cantus firmus in retrograde, inversion, or a combination of the two. On occasion, Obrecht also uses the original or a derivative form of the cantus firmus in transposition, apparent in his Missa Graecorum, which requires adjustments to the cantus firmus to accommodate Obrecht's canonic inscription. In other masses, Obrecht manipulates the cantus firmus through his segmentation technique witnessed in masses such as Maria zart, De tous bien plaine, Malheur me bat, Rose playsante, Je ne demande, and Si dedero. Obrecht's use of predetermined formal elements shows a great consideration for unity and cyclic structure in his works. The fascination with strict "serial-like" cantus firmus procedures, however, finds precedent in the masses of other fifteenth century composers. Retrograde can be found in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century manuscripts, and retrograde-inversion appears in an anonymous Gloria from the "Fountains Fragment" and in the more famous Dunstable isorhythmic motet, Veni sancte spiritus et emitte. Busnois makes use of these techniques in more than one work, including his L'homme armé mass, which contains an inversion in the Agnus Dei according to a canonic rule written under the vocal part, and in his motet In Hydraulis, which derives its tenor from a three-note figure that may be interpreted as a large-scale palindrome. A close musical relationship might exist between Busnois and Obrecht, particularly between their L'homme armé masses. Obrecht's mass is indebted to Busnois in using the techniques of retrograde and inversion during sections of the mass where Busnois had also incorporated those procedures. A striking deviation occurs during the Agnus Dei, where Obrecht uses retrograde-inversion in contrast to Busnois's use of inversion. In Obrecht's Missa De tous bien plaine, an even more radical transformation of the cantus firmus takes place in which he orders the borrowed pitches in terms of their rhythmic value from the longest to the shortest. Furthermore, his Missa Graecorum involves rhythmic reordering of the cantus firmi, inversion, and retrograde-inversion. These masses thus demonstrate Obrecht's affinity for systematic and "serial" cantus firmus organization and associate him with Busnois, who employed similar compositional tools.

Works: Obrecht: Missa Graecorum (51-52, 66-69), Missa L'homme armé (51, 56-57), Missa De tous bien plaine (51-52, 5860), Missa Fortuna desperata (51, 61-62), Missa Petrus Apostolus (51, 64-65), Missa Maria zart (52), Missa Malheur me bat (52), Missa Rose playsante (52), Missa Je ne demande (52), Missa Si dedero (52), Missa Salve diva parens (63-64); Dunstable: Veni sancte spiritus et emitte (53-54); Busnois: Missa L'homme armé (55), In hydraulis (55), Conditor alme siderum (55), J'ai pris amours tout au rebours (55).

Sources: Busnois: Missa L'homme armé (56-57), Fortuna desperata (61-62); Hayne van Ghizeghem: De tous bien plaine (58-60); Antiphon: Petrus Apostolus (64-65).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

The Missa Je ne seray is clearly based on Philipet des Pres's Je ne seray plus vert vestus, using the superius of the chanson as the basis for the cantus firmus of the mass. During portions of the mass in which the cantus firmus is not present, other voices of the model are borrowed as melodic material. Comparisons to Obrecht's Missa Fors seulement reveal striking similarities in cantus firmus treatment, quotation of voices other than the cantus firmus, use of ostinato figures, and use of unusual cadential figures. These parallels in compositional approach, especially in the use of the borrowed material, provide strong evidence for the addition of Missa Je ne seray to a list of Obrecht's works.

Works: Obrecht: Missa Je ne seray (102-8), Missa Fors seulement (104-6).

Sources: Philipet des Pres: Je ne seray plus vert vestus (102).

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Sherri Winks

Placing ferial masses within their cultural contexts illuminate particular instances of musical borrowing and appropriation. Two distinct "families" of ferial masses arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries—one in the courts of northern Europe and another at the papal chapel in Rome. In the northern courts, Pierre de la Rue's and Antoine de Févin's five-voice masses contain a canon in each movement. La Rue carefully structures the canon within the tenor voices, while Févin treats the motive freely, suggesting that he borrowed La Rue's original concept. La Rue and Févin may also have borrowed from Matthaeus Pipelare's Missa de feria, which contains canon-like writing in several sections. A separate family of four masses originated in Italy. The earliest mass is Johannes Martini's Missa ferialis, followed by three masses written for the papal chapel by Andreas Michot, Johannes Beauserron, and Palestrina. In the Kyrie movement, all four masses open with a point of imitation based on a decorated version of the Kyrie chant Melnicki 7. Palestrina also borrowed Beauserron's opening motive and took material from Michot in the remaining sections of the mass. VatS 35, the source that contains Martini's mass, is the earliest known choirbook compiled by the singers for their use. Because these pieces were sung repeatedly within the repertory, it is probable that Michot, Beauserron, and Palestrina drew ideas from the papal choir's performances. The different circumstances of the two Missa de feria "families," reflecting different historical, social, and liturgical contexts for masses, provide a tool for understanding the various instances of musical borrowing.

Works: Pierre de la Rue: Missa de feria (130-37); Antoine de Févin: Missa de feria (130-37); Andreas Michot: Missa de feria (137-40); Johannes Beauserron: Missa de feria (137-40); Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Missa de feria (137-140).

Sources: Pierre de la Rue: Missa de feria (130-37); Matthaeus Pipelare: Missa de feria (136-37); Johannes Martini: Missa ferialis (137-40).

Index Classifications: 1400s, 1500s

Contributed by: Mary Ellen Ryan

Antoine Busnoys's Missa L'Homme armé served as a model not only for Obrecht's Missa L'Homme armé but also for an anonymous Missa de Sancto Johanne Baptista (ca. 1480s or 1490s), which is also closely related to Obrecht's Mass. The anonymous Mass cycle raises many questions surrounding its creation. Musical imitatio would at first seem most relevant to this case. The concept of imitatio, as defined by Renaissance rhetorical theory, is scarcely applicable to Renaissance music, however, and should therefore be used only with circumspection. In considering the musical practices of borrowing, quotation, and imitation as counterparts of rhetorical imitatio, problems of semantic ambiguity and historiographical distortion are certain. Willem Elders's approach of considering these compositional practices as creating a symbolic connection to pre-existent material eliminates these problems, but it is concerned only with symbolism. The term "intertextuality," borrowed from literary criticism, is most appropriate here.

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: David Oliver

Oswald von Wolkenstein, a fifteenth century German poet and composer, is unique in that his works have been handed down in manuscripts devoted to him alone. By comparing these two manuscripts (Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2777, known as Wolkenstein manuscript A, and Wolkenstein manuscript B) with other Germanic and non-Germanic manuscripts, it has become clear that Oswald used pre-existent melodies as a vehicle and starting point for his newly-created texts. Twelve polyphonic songs in these manuscripts have been identified as contrafacta of pieces that were widely disseminated throughout Germany. Furthermore, he did not make contrafacta of only older Ars Nova pieces, as had previously been assumed by scholars. He also used contemporary Burgundian polyphonic pieces, as is evident from the newly discovered models A son plaisir by Pierre Fontaine and La plus jolie by Nicolas Grenon.

Works: Oswald von Wolkenstein: Vierhundert jar auff erd (192-99, 203-7), Wer die ougen will verschüren (200-207), Ave mater o Maria (207-14).

Sources: Pierre Fontaine: A son plaisir (192-99); Nicolas Grenon: La plus jolie et la plus belle (200-207).

Index Classifications: 1300s, 1400s

Contributed by: Amanda Jensen

Index Classifications: 1400s

The Confiteor in Johannes Tinctoris’s Missa L’homme armé bears a striking resemblance to the Confiteor in Antoine Busnoys’s Missa L’homme armé in sound but not in notation. Both passages contain an unusual triple-duple metric struggle, but Tinctoris’s notation “corrects” what he perceives in his theoretical writings as incorrect mensural notation used by Busnoys. To only read Tinctoris’s Missa as a theoretical exercise is to miss the complexities of Tinctoris’s work as a theorist-composer. The evidence that Tinctoris was familiar with Busnoys’s Missa L’homme armé is—unusual for a case of musical borrowing—air-tight with the exact passage from Busnoys’s Missa extensively critiqued in Tinctoris’s Proportionale musices. While Busnoys’s notation preserved the visual appearance of the L’homme armé cantus firmus on the page, Tinctoris was more concerned with correctly recording how a performance would sound. Accounts of musical borrowing in this period often look for close written correspondence, but Tinctoris borrows less tactile sonic elements from Busnoy’s Confiteor instead and apparently fixes its notational problems. There is a history to the notational practices of L’homme armé masses as well; Busnoys borrows several conventions from Ockeghem’s mass, and Obrecht borrows from Busnoys. In the L’homme armé tradition, mensural notation mattered as a way to connect to a compositional tradition, not just to preserve the sound accurately. Tinctoris receives this tradition both as a theorist and as a composer. The principle of varietas is praised by Tinctoris in his theory and executed by Tinctoris in his music. His borrowing of the Confiteor device from Busnoys can therefore be understood as Tinctoris the composer writing interesting and memorable music, not just music to prove a theoretical point. It is important to avoid reading Tinctoris’s music with modern conceptions of the relationship between notation and composition. By viewing Tinctoris and Busnoys as composers-theorists actively developing the technology of notation, we can adopt a broader perspective on the complexity of fifteenth-century music.

Works: Tinctoris: Missa L’homme armé (1-11, 18-24, 55-64); Busnoys: Missa L’homme armé (26-31, 47-54); Obrecht: Missa L’homme armé (38-42); Unattributed (possibly Obrecht): Missa de Sancto Johanne Baptista (42-47)

Sources: Busnoys: Missa L’homme armé (1-11, 18-24, 38-42, 42-47, 55-64); Du Fay: Missa L’homme armé (22-23); Johannes Regis: Missa L’homme armé (22-23); Guillaume Faugues: Missa L’homme armé (22-23); Ockeghem: Missa L’homme armé (26-31); Domarto: Missa Spiritus almus (47-54)

Index Classifications: 1400s

Contributed by: Matthew Van Vleet